The unexpected visit of Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa — formerly known as the leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham*, a group once fighting against Russian forces — to Moscow has raised eyebrows across diplomatic circles. Many observers now question why the Kremlin chose to host a figure who only recently appeared on international terrorist lists and fought against Russian-backed troops in Syria.

LYUBA LULKO
From Warlord to President: Why Russia Welcomed Syria’s Ahmed al-Sharaa

The transformation of al-Sharaa from militant commander to head of state recalls Franklin Roosevelt’s famous remark about Nicaraguan dictator Somoza: “He may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.” Politics, after all, is rarely about moral purity — it’s about interests. Today, al-Sharaa is no longer the fugitive militant known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani; he is the internationally recognized president of Syria. Washington has lifted sanctions on Damascus, while Moscow appears to see in him a pragmatic opportunity to preserve its foothold in the Middle East.

Until recently, the United States had offered a $10 million bounty for information leading to al-Sharaa’s capture. Now, he shakes hands with global leaders. Observers believe Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan played a decisive role in convincing him to balance his relations between Moscow and the West, offering cooperation with Russia as a counterweight to Western pressure.

In Moscow, al-Sharaa assured the Kremlin that Russian military facilities in Syria — including key airbases — would remain operational and protected. “Syria will honor all previous agreements with Russia,” he stated, promising to “introduce Moscow to a new Syria” and rebuild bilateral ties. For the Kremlin, that assurance means continued influence over a strategic region and access to the Mediterranean corridor.

In return, Syrian sources told Reuters that al-Sharaa’s delegation sought guarantees from Russia that remnants of former President Bashar al-Assad’s forces would not be rearmed. Damascus also reportedly requested Russian assistance in rebuilding the Syrian army and reviving wheat supplies under favorable conditions to alleviate post-war shortages.

On October 15, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak confirmed that the two countries discussed cooperation in the energy sector, including potential joint oil projects. There are also talks about resuming Russian patrols along Syria’s southern border near the Golan Heights — operations once conducted during Assad’s rule. However, Moscow dismissed the possibility of extraditing Assad to the new authorities, calling its stance “a matter of humanitarian principle.”

Russia’s alliance with Assad’s government in 2015 was a necessity rather than a choice. At the time, with Western sanctions mounting over Crimea and U.S. forces strengthening their position in the Middle East, Moscow had few viable alternatives. The Syrian campaign became both a testing ground for new Russian weaponry and the operational debut of the private military group Wagner. Those experiences, later applied in places like Bakhmut (Artyomovsk), transformed Russia’s modern warfare capabilities.

Now, with the Assad era over, critics claim “Russia has lost Syria.” Yet Moscow retains what it values most — its bases, influence, and a partner willing to maintain ties despite shifting global alliances. Time, as always, will reveal whether this new partnership serves Russia’s long-term interests.

*Hayat Tahrir al-Sham is designated as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation.

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