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of news-telling...Journalism is about telling stories that are current and relevant to people’s life. Such information also is at the core of recording history… On politics, journalism is supposed to be objective, but it never is. NEVER. Show me a journalist who claims political objectivity and I will show you a liar...
Journalists differ from historians recording of current events. Journalists rarely investigate the historical contexts nor the manipulations from the sources of their information. Historians have to dig below the events and see the greater picture of information influences.
The main disparity between journalists and other journalists comes from the political bend of their masters — the employer of their services. Here comes Mr Rupert Murdoch, the master of political manipulations. His journalists are not bent to his will, but they are employed because of their own tendencies. The main political bends in Australia are Liberal (full-blown CONservatives) and Labor (middle of the road conservatives).
The knives are being sharpened at all media headquarters in preparation to the next australian federal elections. From the ivory tower attached to our Old People’s Home, we can see that about 75 per cent of the media favours the ultra-CONservatives because of fallacies about security, money policies, stability and other traditional mantras, while the rest is lukewarm about a change of government towards the “socialists”, who are presented as no more than the middle of the road cuddly kangaroos.
Under these conditions, the truth is elusive… The voters sense they need to change their underwear. The independents (on both sides of politics) offer a protest vote against the mega-parties, but they also could signal instability of policy making.
Here, the journalists can only report on the present minister doing photo ops and kissing babies, while the leader opposition does the same, with a different voice and different glasses. This is pretty boring. May as well send a drone to do the recording.
Then comes the opinionators, the journalists who have made their choice of candidate with arguments (true, false and slanted) to influence your choice. And journalists are going to bitch about each others for the choice they’ve made and about issues such as global warming, the “special op" in Ukraine or the price of fish reaching the stratosphere.
So, here is a view on the subject of news-telling… :
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Journalism cannot solve journalism’s problems From Örnebring, Henrik There is no doubt that journalism – both as an institution and as a profession – is currently facing unprecedented challenges. Audiences are fragmenting and at risk from disinformation often virtually indistinguishable from ‘real news’. Entire areas outside the metropolitan centers of the media world lack any news coverage at all; creating ‘news deserts’ (Ferrier et al., 2016), where there is no or very little independent reporting about local events and politics. News organizations grapple with dwindling resources. Journalism jobs are disappearing at an alarming rate, at least in some countries (notably the United States). Yet, I would propose that a far more serious challenge underlying all these troubling trends – a meta-challenge, if you will – is that journalism itself (understood as the collective of organizations, groups, and individuals making up journalism as a social institution) can do very little about the root causes of many of these challenges. This is not to say that that the problems currently facing journalism are inevitable or the cause of unstoppable social forces, rather the opposite. There is nothing necessary about these root causes, and they could be addressed through human collective action. However, for all its influence over our common culture and shared frames of reference, journalism itself has very little power to address the underlying challenges I am referring to. Let us start with the challenge of disinformation. I will not go into detail into the phenomenon itself (instead, I refer readers to the other excellent texts on the topic in this volume) except to say that while we still know very little about the actual impact of so-called ‘fake news’, it is clear that regardless of the extent to which such false information circulates, its impact will be conversely related to the education and cognitive resources of the audience (the higher the education, the lower the impact, generally speaking). Thus, those with less cognitive resources will (potentially) be affected the most. In other words, the challenge of disinformation is as much a media literacy challenge as it is a media challenge. News organizations have created numerous initiatives to combat disinformation and improve media literacy, for example, fact-checking features, collaborative quality controls, increased transparency, and so on. Even the much-maligned social media platforms seen as responsible for much of the spread of disinformation are becoming more aware of the issue and are attempting to combat it in various ways, including by attempting to increase audience awareness. Research, however, would lead us to be pessimistic about the success of such media-led media literacy initiatives. The knowledge gap (i.e. socio-political knowledge being unequally distributed in the population mainly along socioeconomic lines) and the Matthew effect1 that accompanies it has been well documented by research since the 1970s (Hwang and Jeong, 2009; Tichenor et al., 1970). That is to say, most efforts to lessen the knowledge gap by providing more information resources and training to disadvantaged groups will benefit groups that are already advantaged even more, thus maintaining or even widening the knowledge gap (Neuman and Celano, 2006; Walberg and Tsai, 1983). Furthermore, other societal institutions, notably education, matter more for media literacy than the media themselves do. No matter what journalism itself does to address the problem of disinformation, whatever is done (or not done) in schools will matter more. And journalism has very little direct influence over school policy. The same principle applies to other audience-related challenges facing journalism as well, for example, audience fragmentation and polarization. In a high-choice media environment, it is easier both to select consuming more news if you are interested, as well as to de-select consuming news entirely, creating a gap between ‘news seekers’ and ‘news avoiders’ (Ksiazek et al., 2010). Content preferences seem in turn to be at least partially dependent on income and education (i.e. socioeconomic status): ‘News-seekers tend to be older, have more education, and greater income than Avoiders’ (Ksiazek et al., 2010: 557). Thus, the knowledge gap between news seekers and news avoiders is also a socioeconomic one, and consequently a problem that is very hard for journalism to address. Journalism cannot solve the problem of increasing socioeconomic inequality both on the global level and within nations (that socioeconomic inequality is rising globally is an indisputable empirical fact, Dorling (2014)). No matter how much journalism would work to change their coverage or to make efforts to address groups who do not see themselves as being addressed by the news, such efforts would still more likely to have an overall negative effect on the knowledge gap, and would thus do nothing to meet the challenges of disinformation, fragmentation, and polarization. The underlying challenge, the problem of social inequality, would still remain. In a similar fashion, journalism cannot do very much about geographic information inequalities either. Rapidly increasing global urbanization is another indisputable empirical fact (Grimm et al., 2008), and as rural areas depopulate, fewer and fewer local and regional markets will be able to sustain commercial news organizations. The only solutions here would be either state subsidies or some form of public service media alternative, but alas, such solutions today seem politically impossible even in countries with historically strong public service media. What can journalism do about global urbanization? Not much. This assessment is a rather pessimistic one, but unfortunately well supported by decades of research. Journalism studies scholars, like many scholars, are subject-centric in our assessments of problems in our object of study, that is, we tend to think that if there are problems with journalism, then it is within journalism’s power to address them. Journalism could meet its challenges by just being ‘better’ (e.g. more responsive to audiences, more transparent, higher quality content, either in some specific way or across the board). But I have a hard time seeing that any amount of fact-checking or temporarily dropping paywalls would in any way affect social inequality and increasing urbanization – and make no mistake, these are the underlying root causes of the most important challenges facing journalism today. However, as all authors in this volume, I have also been tasked with suggesting solutions. So, here is my solution to how journalism can meet these challenges, and it is as inevitable as it is unrealistic: journalism – meaning, as I said at the outset, the collective of organizations, groups, and individuals making up journalism as a social institution – needs to actively start campaigning for socioeconomic equality, both on the national and the global level. It would not suffice that individual news outlets or even individual journalists do this (as some already do), but it would need to be an institution-wide, global change. Journalism needs to turn its considerable symbolic resources to addressing the problem of inequality and making this the focal issue of all reporting. Unfortunately, as I have studied journalism for most of my adult life, I know that there are formidable obstacles to making such a thorough change to journalism. But I also believe – no, know – that the only way to address a challenge is to address the underlying cause. Everything else would just be cosmetics or polishing the deck chairs of the Titanic. Funding
Notes 1.‘Matthew effect’ from the Gospel of Matthew, 13:12: ‘Whoever has will be given more, and they will have an abundance. Whoever does not have, even what they have will be taken from them’ (New International Version).
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1464884918808690 About Örnebring, Henrik My current research is focused on three areas: the history of the Black press in the US; threats to and harassment of journalists; and the restructuring of journalistic labor and changing journalistic working conditions in the face of technological and economic transformation.
Previously I have conducted research on comparative European journalism; media and democracy in Central and Eastern Europe; local news ecology; comparative media history; and transmedia entertainment from a historical perspective.
My most recent book is Journalistic Autonomy: The Genealogy of a Concept (with Michael Karlsson; University of Missouri Press, forthcoming 2022), a history of the notion of journalistic "independence" and its meaning. I am the Editor-in-Chief of the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies (Oxford University Press, 2020).
I also have a three-year grant from FORTE (together with Elizabeth Van Couvering and Robert MacKenzie) for the project "Labor market intermediary platforms and mediatization in the Swedish gig economy (SWEGIG)" (2019-21), which studies how new apps and web pages which advertise short-term jobs are changing the employment relationship through new demands of mediated self presentation and self promotion.
TEACHING Henrik Örnebring mainly teaches Media Theory, Organizational Communication, and supervises bachelor's theses. He is currently the main supervisor of two PhD students (Fredrik Edin and Carina Tenor).
COLLABORATION Henrik Örnebring is Advisory Board Member of the Worlds of Journalism Survey (www.worldsofjournalism.org) led by Professor Thomas Hanitzsch of Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, Germany; Advisory Committee Member of the project Journalistic Role Performance Across the Globe (http://www.journalisticperformance.org/) led by Dr Claudia Mellado of the University of Santiago, Chile; was a member of the Swedish Research Council Review Panel on Political Science, Media and Communication Studies, and Peace and Conflict Research, 2015-17; Chair of the Swedish Media Research Association (FSMK) 2016-18; and Vice-Chair/Chair of the ICA Journalism Studies Division 2015-18.
PUBLICATIONS • Book Review - The Crisis of the Institutional Press Henrik Örnebring, 2021 • Journalism and the Politics of Mobility Henrik Örnebring, Amy Schmitz Weiss, 2021 • The Media Day, Revisited - Rhythm, Place and Hyperlocal Information Environments Henrik Örnebring, Erika Hellekant Rowe, 2021
WE, Gus Leonisky and Co on YD, HAVE TACKLED NEWS SINCE 2005: https://www.yourdemocracy.net.au/drupal/node/964 and in many other articles...
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the kiwi in china...
Labelled by critics as a CCP propagandist, a Kiwi journalist for a state-affiliated Chinese media outlet says he has no regrets about his work and hopes history will prove him right
A mark of shame or pride?
It was the latter Andy Boreham opted for when the Shanghai Daily journalist and New Zealander was officially designated by Twitter as “China state-affiliated media”.
It is a relatively rare label to be placed on a westerner working in Chinese media – a piece from the CCP-run Global Times suggested he was the first foreigner to be tagged as such – and means his reach on the social media platform will now be restricted, although not banned altogether.
Boreham has a moderate but not insignificant following on social media: 14,000 followers on Twitter, and nearly 21,000 on his Reports on China YouTube channel.
But his videos have been approvingly shared by the senior Chinese diplomat and "wolf warrior" Lijian Zhao, whose tweet about alleged Australian war crimes further inflamed a diplomatic stoush between the two countries, and Boreham himself came under fire for a tweet claiming several Asian-American reporters had “blood on [their hands]” over criticism of the Beijing Winter Olympics which he linked to hate attacks in the US.
In an interview with Newsroom (conducted via email at Boreham’s request to avoid “any semantic traps”), the former Wellingtonian says he views the label as “a badge of honour”.
“I’m extremely proud to be a voice for China, because I wholeheartedly believe China is being given an extremely unfair rap by the west. Literally every single article I read about China is riddled with lies and conjecture and boosts the view the average westerner already has about this huge, complicated country.”
Boreham says he has long held an interest in Asia, in large part because of how it differs from New Zealand.
“It is big, noisy, there are so many people, something always seems to be happening – it’s just the polar opposite.”
“Yes, China’s media is in theory controlled by the government, yes there are certain areas of censorship – certain taboo subjects that should just be left alone – but apart from that it is really quite free."
– Andy Boreham
After being “instantly hooked” on China following a visit one winter, a semester in Shanghai on exchange from Victoria University of Wellington to learn Mandarin led him to add a Chinese major to his undergraduate degree.
A Prime Minister’s Scholarship for Asia awarded by John Key funded a master’s degree in Chinese language and culture at Fudan University in Shanghai, before plans for further Mandarin study went on hold when the Shanghai Daily offered him a full-time job as a journalist over five years ago.
Boreham says his love of media extends back to his childhood making movies, while he also ran a magazine for four years and worked at Parliament for Hone Harawira’s Mana Party and the Greens while studying in Wellington.
But working as a journalist in China is a different beast altogether. The country is rated 177th out of 180 nations in the 2021 World Press Freedom Index, with Reporters without Borders citing authorities’ steadily tightening grip on information and status as “the world’s biggest jailer of press freedom defenders”.
“By relying on the massive use of new technology, President Xi Jinping’s regime has imposed a social model based on control of news and information and online surveillance of its citizens,” the group says in its assessment of China.
Boreham argues that view is based on the “western idea” of press freedom, with the media acting as a check on government and bringing abuses of power to light, rather than the Chinese model, which he categorises as “promoting important news, stability and unity”.
“Yes, China’s media is in theory controlled by the government, yes there are certain areas of censorship – certain taboo subjects that should just be left alone – but apart from that it is really quite free. The only difference is the rules are made by the government, and not by editors and commercial interests.”
***
But Jason Young, the director of the New Zealand Contemporary China Research Centre, tells Newsroom there has been a history of some Chinese media filling that ‘critic and conscience’ role in the past, breaking stories about corruption and societal problems.
While mainstream stories have always had “carefully selected narratives” to support the Chinese government’s view of topics such as international relations, the state’s control has become more pronounced in recent years.
“The environment is a lot harder now for Chinese journalists to do the job of being more critical – there used to be a little bit more room for them.”
Young has never met Boreham but says he is not a fan of the journalist’s work, which adheres closely to a large proportion of Chinese-language media in defending China’s political system and accusing western media of bias.
Former NZ China Council executive director Stephen Jacobi, who regularly caught up with Boreham during visits to Shanghai until the Covid-19 pandemic intervened, hasn’t seen his more recent reporting (or Twitter’s designation) but describes him as “a very capable and astute observer of China, and a bit of a bridge between New Zealand perceptions of China and other perceptions of China”.
Jacobi is unaware of any other Kiwi journalists working within Chinese state-affiliated media, and says that perspective “from the inside out” is a valuable one to have – although he hesitates when asked to place Boreham on the spectrum of views when it comes to China.
“The trouble with the spectrum is it’s shifted a lot, it’s a sliding scale these days – anyone who says anything positive about China is a panda hugger.”
Boreham’s critics have accused him of acting as a propagandist for the CCP, but he argues he has “never, ever professed a view that is not my own”.
Western censorship 'underhanded'
Nor has he ever felt unable to fully report on a story – although that comes with caveats.
“Not at all, because I have quite a deep understanding of contemporary Chinese culture and what lines shouldn’t be crossed. I wouldn’t suggest a story about Taiwan independence to my editor, for example, or write anything suggesting that a certain Chinese ethnic minority has done this or done that.”
He alleges western media practise their own “underhanded” censorship in the form of commercial interests and self-editing – you may note neither of those come with the risk of imprisonment – while promoting contradictory viewpoints of China as a backward nation but also an “advanced, evil empire”.
“Western media is too quick to take dubious claims about China at face value, because western audiences already have this idea in their head [of] what 'Communist China' is, that it’s a dark, scary, draconian dystopia. Media content that boosts those views is popular and gains clicks and sells newspapers.”
As evidence, he cites coverage of the Hong Kong protests – or riots, as he calls them – which led the average westerner to baselessly believe the rioters were victims of police and state brutality (an Amnesty International investigation in 2019 based on witness testimony reported arbitrary arrests of protesters, as well as evidence of torture and other mistreatment while they were in detention).
But if Boreham’s intention is to provide a more balanced view of China, Young says, he is failing.
“Of course there are friendly people in China, of course there are things that have happened in China which are good news … [but] to only focus on them and criticise western media for pointing out many of the problematic and troubling things that are happening in China, and China's role in the world, it just doesn't make sense.”
Boreham holds similar objections to western reporting on human rights abuses against Uyghur Muslims in China’s Xinjiang province, with Amnesty International reporting on systematic mass imprisonment, torture and persecution of Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities.
'Bad people everywhere in the world'
Last year, New Zealand MPs unanimously expressed grave concern about the “severe human rights abuses” taking place in Xinjiang through a parliamentary motion – but Boreham claims there is “absolutely zero evidence to back anything like this up, apart from ‘witness testimony’ which, last time I checked, isn’t enough to convict a person let alone an entire state”. (Amnesty spoke to more than 50 former camp detainees for its report, while internal Chinese state documents leaked to the New York Times outlined plans for the mass detention camps in a bid to guard against terrorist extremism).
“There are bad people everywhere in the world,” Boreham says, adding: “When I was little we had a police officer who would often come to our street and sort out fights and stuff between the neighbours.
“Later he was convicted of exposing his genitals and masturbating in front of a little girl at the Warehouse in Levin. Do I think that all police officers are the same? Of course not. Isolated incidents of abuse – which, I must continue to stress, are not proven – are not signs of systemic abuse.”
Efforts to gather further evidence have been complicated by Chinese authorities repeatedly stymying a September 2018 request from UN Human Rights Commissioner Michelle Bachelet to visit Xinjiang (Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said last month Bachelet would be allowed to visit, while warning against “all kinds of biases, prejudices and uncalled-for accusations”) but Boreham says “a lack of evidence, for whatever reason, isn’t grounds to decide someone is guilty”.
The journalist’s tourism videos from the region, sold as “not the Xinjiang you see on the news”, led to him being among those mentioned in an Australian Strategic Policy Institute report on the CCP’s use of foreign influencers to “shape and push messages domestically and internationally about Xinjiang that are aligned with its own preferred narratives”.
"I’m quite certain that people will start to see, sooner or later, that they were wrong. That’s my hope, anyway.”
– Andy Boreham
Speaking more broadly, Young says there has been a long history of westerners acting as a voice for China’s position in the world, dating back to Rewi Alley and Edgar Snow – but Boreham’s role as a reporter brings a different dimension to that advocacy.
“From the perspective of how I understand the role of journalists and journalism, I think it's very problematic.”
Boreham’s videos were shared on social media by a number of Chinese embassies and state media outlets – but he says the trip was self-funded and had nothing to do with his work for Shanghai Daily (the newspaper’s website did publish his videos).
“I’ve never suggested I saw the full picture or anything of the sort. I went to Xinjiang on holiday and made two videos while I was there; that’s really all there is to it.”
He is dismissive of the ASPI report, noting the institute’s financial ties to the US Department of Defence and American arms manufacturers, and says: “I remain confident I am on the right side of history.”
Not all New Zealanders agree, however: in a recent piece, Boreham wrote about receiving a “nasty private message” from a Kiwi saying they were ashamed to be a fellow Victoria University graduate, and he says levels of hate mail have increased in recent weeks.
He also lost a friend of 20 years over his work, and tries not to talk politics with other friends.
But despite that, he has no regrets about how his views may be affecting his reputation in New Zealand.
“Why should telling the truth affect my reputation negatively? I’m quite certain that people will start to see, sooner or later, that they were wrong.
“That’s my hope, anyway.”
READ MORE:
https://www.newsroom.co.nz/the-kiwi-journalist-defending-the-ccp
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scomo the fascist...
Australia has imposed new sanctions on 22 Russian nationals it accuses of being “disinformation operatives,” as well as Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko and members of his family over support for Moscow.
The Foreign Ministry announced the penalties on Friday, saying those who have attempted to “legitimize”Russia’s attack on Ukraine must be made to “pay a high cost.”
“The Australian Government has… placed new sanctions on 22 additional Russian propagandists and purveyors of disinformation,” the Foreign Ministry said in a statement, adding that they include “senior editors” at RT, the Strategic Culture Foundation, InfoRos, and the Crimea-based outlet Newsfront.
READ MORE:
https://www.rt.com/russia/552662-australia-sanctions-russian-journalists-and/
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