Friday 29th of November 2024
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arm-twisting dubious friendship initiatives…..

Against the backdrop of France’s recent blatant failures on the African continent, whose inhabitants are increasingly determined to throw off the shackles of modern French neocolonialism, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz decided to seize the moment and use the French vacuum in Africa to strengthen Germany’s position there.

To this end, on May 23 he and a company of German business people set on a three-day visit to the African countries of Senegal, Niger and South Africa, where he held talks with national leaders on economic cooperation, overcoming the pandemic, climate change and combating Islamic terrorism. At the same time he initiated discussions on the situation in Ukraine and Russia’s impact on energy and food prices, whilst pushing hard the agenda of the “collective West” acting in close anti-Russian tandem with Washington. However, some observers have pointed out the strikingly hasty nature of Scholz’s trip, as since his appointment as Federal Chancellor he has so far only graced with his visits the USA, Israel and Japan.

As for Scholz’s choice of the African countries to visit, it was not at all random. After all, Senegal now holds the presidency of the African Union, which brings together 55 countries on the continent. It is Senegal and South Africa that Scholz has already invited to the G7 meeting in Bavaria in June. South Africa is considered to be Germany’s main partner in Africa, and both countries enjoy a relatively intensive economic, political and cultural relationship. Moreover, South Africa is the only African member of the G20.

Niger, despite its poor financial situation, is, in Berlin’s estimation, a certain stabilizing force in the sub-Saharan region. It is also to Niger that the German government intends to relocate German military advisors and instructors from Mali as part of the Bundeswehr’s participation in the UN stabilization mission in Mali MINUSMA and the European Union training mission for Malian security forces EUTM. The main reason for Berlin’s decision was jealousy towards the strengthening of military and military-technical cooperation between Bamako and Moscow, including the training of Malian soldiers by Russian instructors. In Niger, German troops are to be deployed in a training mission for the country’s special forces, Gazelle. Moreover, the maximum number of troops will be increased from 1,100 to 1,400. Speaking in mid-May during discussions in the Bundestag on the advisability of maintaining German participation in MINUSMA, German Minister of Defense Christine Lambrecht strongly emphasized that, in her words, the Sahel countries cannot be abandoned to their fate. “Bundeswehr troops provide the UN contingent with intelligence information through advanced unmanned aerial vehicles, as well as by communicating with locals. They (German soldiers) clarify the situation for the commanders. They patrol the area. They make eastern Mali safer,” Lambrecht said.

It is noteworthy, however, that Sevim Dağdelen, MP for the Left Party, during discussions in the Bundestag about the prospects of German participation in MINUSMA, pointed out that although the war party from CDU to the Greens may deny it, the fact is that Germany is involved in a “war on Malian territory.” She stressed the need to admit that “the Bundeswehr war in Mali is lost. It is very similar to Afghanistan. It (the war party) is making Mali a second Afghanistan. The German Armed Forces will actually support the economic interests of France’s former colonial power in the Sahel, which is hated in the region.”

While speaking to the three African leaders, Olaf Scholz placed particular emphasis on explaining the consequences of the situation in Ukraine for Africa’s food supply, seeking to convey Washington’s position that events in Ukraine have global implications for the entire world. Moreover, in his blatantly erroneous belief, it is Russia’s actions that are allegedly dramatically worsening the food situation in Africa, rather than the failed US sanctions policy and the West’s continued pumping of weapons into Ukraine, which are deliberately prolonging the hostilities. In particular, during conversations in Senegal, Scholz pointed to Russia’s blocking of Ukrainian wheat exports from Black Sea ports, deliberately “forgetting” to note that it is not Russia but Ukraine that has mined its seaports and the entire Black Sea, due to which there is an objective risk of any vessel being hit by a Ukrainian mine in the Black Sea basin.

Maintaining Washington’s Russophobic line, Scholz failed to inform African interlocutors and even German experts of the conclusions published by the German publication Deutsche Wirtschafts Nachrichten, that due to Western restrictions on mineral fertilizer imports from Russia and Belarus and the resulting shortages, further price increases for agricultural products are expected. Meanwhile, even this publication noted that the withdrawal of Russian nitrogen and Belarusian potash fertilizers from the international market as a result of the West’s anti-Russian sanctions policy would lead to a reduction in their use and, ultimately, to a widespread reduction in grain yields.

Another authoritative German publication, Die Welt, said on May 18 that Russia was not to blame for the record rise in the price of wheat on the world market and that Moscow was not blocking grain exports.

Ever so loyal to Washington’s instructions, Scholz also stressed to African leaders that many African countries, when voting at the UN General Assembly on the resolution condemning Russia for its actions in Ukraine, had abstained from supporting the Western position. The German chancellor therefore worked hard to persuade his interlocutors to withdraw their de facto support for Moscow.

Scholz also raised other issues, in particular the development of energy cooperation. Among other things, the German chancellor offered Senegal the help of German firms in researching and extracting gas, after which Senegalese President Macky Sall said he was ready to explore the possibility of arranging liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies to Europe. Large oil and gas deposits have famously been discovered off the coast of Senegal, with reserves estimated at 1 billion barrels of oil and 2.8 trillion cubic meters of gas, according to experts. They are being developed there by BP of the UK and Cosmos of the US. However, Senegal will not really be able to start supplying LNG to Europe until 2023.

Judging by the African media’s reaction to Scholz’s visit, it clearly did not inspire African states to rush into the arms of a new European player (instead of France). And there are many reasons, including for example, Scholz’s overt following of instructions from Washington regarding the German policy. In addition, a vivid example is unfolding before the eyes of Africans today of Germany’s – and Europe’s – increased financial and military support for Ukraine and Ukrainian refugees against the blatant disregard for African refugees as well as other African concerns for a long time. Under these circumstances, the countries of the African continent prefer to remain reticent about such “friendship initiatives” by yet another Western emissary, preferring to continue and maintain ties with Russia and China. Which, by the way, have already demonstrated, time and again, their sincerity in relations and their lack of hegemonic and neo-colonial aspirations.

 

Vladimir Danilov, political observer, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

 

READ MORE:

https://journal-neo.org/2022/06/01/chancellor-scholz-tried-to-involve-germany-in-the-battle-for-africa/

 

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empty promises….

The German Defense Ministry said on Wednesday that it could not provide details on Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s pledge to supply Ukraine with a certain air defense system. The reason cited was that the Bundeswehr – the nation’s armed forces – does not have the weapon in stock.

The weapon in question is called IRIS-T and it can come in the form of a short-range air-to-air missile or a ground-based short-range or medium-range air defense system.

When asked which of these systems Berlin plans to send Kiev, the Defense Ministry’s spokesman, Naval Captain David Helmbold, replied that “this question should be ultimately addressed to the [defense] industry since we do not have these systems in our service.” He added that he could not clarify the issue as the Bundeswehr does not possess such air-defense systems in its arsenal.

The comment came just hours after Scholz told the parliament that his government planned to send more advanced systems to Ukraine, including an IRIS-T system and counter-battery radars capable of detecting artillery fire and pinpointing the location of the enemy artillery systems that opened it. The chancellor did not elaborate whether he meant air-to-air missiles or ground-based systems when speaking about IRIS-T.

The Bundeswehr does have IRIS-T weapon systems in its arsenal but only in the form of air-to-air missiles mounted on its Eurofighter and Tornado fighters. The system designed to replace the US AIM-9 Sidewinder short-range air-to-air missile has been developed by companies from several nations, including Germany, Italy, Sweden, and Greece among others.

In Germany, IRIS-T is produced by the Diehl arms manufacturer, which offers both the air-to-air missiles and the ground-based systems. Speaking about the potential deliveries to Ukraine, Helmbold said that, when Scholz spoke about the “most modern” air defense system in Germany, he might not have necessarily meant the systems in the military’s possession. 

“Germany is not just the Bundeswehr,” Helmbold noted, adding that “it also refers to the capabilities of the industry.”

According to a defense blog run by freelance journalist Thomas Wiegold, who previously worked for the dpa and AP news agencies, Diehl could “divert” its planned delivery of the ground-based middle-range IRIS-T SLM air defense system and send it to Ukraine instead of Egypt as was intended. The company’s production capabilities currently allow it to manufacture two such systems per year, the journalist added.

 

 

READ MORE:

https://www.rt.com/news/556464-german-army-weapons-chancellor-ukraine/

 

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africa knows....

Addresses to summits and national parliaments around the world by Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky have become a staple of the diplomatic calendar over the last few months. 

But when he spoke to the African Union (AU) on Monday only four heads of state from the continent listened in, with the others represented by subordinates or officials. 

The disappointing turnout was symptomatic of the unequal struggle that Kyiv faces in getting across its message in a continent of 54 countries where it has just 10 embassies - only a quarter of the Russian presence. 

So, in trying to shift African perspectives on Russian President Vladimir Putin's invasion war, Mr Zelensky cannot deploy political or security clout comparable with Moscow's. 

Ukraine is not a global military power and it is not a permanent member of the UN Security Council, unlike Russia. 

As a result, many African leaders have concluded that they simply cannot afford to emulate direct Western confrontation with Moscow.

 

That is particularly the case now that the blockage of grain export shipments from Ukraine is contributing to an already serious food crisis, driving up the price of imports and jeopardising the flow of wheat, other cereals and cooking oil to African countries that are not self-sufficient.

Early this month Senegal's President Macky Sall, the current head of the AU, flew to the Russian Black Sea resort Sochi to discuss with Mr Putin how to free up the obstacles that are curbing desperately needed food exports from both Russia and Ukraine. 

And last week South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa called Mr Putin to discuss deliveries of Russian agricultural products and fertiliser to Africa.

The talks produced some modest progress though not a decisive breakthrough.

 

Meanwhile, there are some hints that the invasion of Ukraine may be putting strain on Russian military engagement in Africa, with unconfirmed rumours of some troops from the mercenary group Wagner being called back from Central African Republic (CAR).

That would hardly be a surprise, given the demands of the intense military campaign in the crucial Donbas region.

 

However, there is no sign of a reduction in Wagner's presence in Mali - where its men have frequently been seen on operations alongside national forces.

Dramatic new international context

Moreover, official Russian security and military deals in Africa are actually being reinforced, despite the needs of the Ukraine war.

Cameroon has become the latest target of this charm offensive.

Cameroon's Defence minister Joseph Beti Assomo was in Moscow last month to join his Russian counterpart Sergei Shoigu in signing a five-year military cooperation agreement.

This embraces intelligence, training and sharing expertise in tackling terrorism and maritime piracy. Joint exercises are planned.

The document makes no mention of arms shipments but hints suggestively that additional forms of collaboration could yet be agreed.

 

In fact, a 2015 deal had already provided for Russian deliveries of artillery and logistical and air support - useful for the campaign against jihadists in Cameroon's Far North region.

Yet although this new agreement with Moscow is less specific, it appears to be stirring concern in Western capitals.

Within weeks the French foreign ministry's Africa director, Christophe Bigot, had flown to Yaoundé, seemingly to reassure Cameroon's Prime Minister Joseph Dion Ngute that Paris too remains committed to economic, cultural and anti-terrorist cooperation.

 

READ MORE:

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-61802498

 

 

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The United States has heavily invested in a security partnership with Nigeria over the last 20 years, supplying that country with warplanes, weapons, and training to support its fight against terrorist groups and foster military professionalism among its troops. But a new report finds that despite the assistance, the Nigerian armed forces have not only failed to defeat militants but routinely commit grave human rights abuses in the name of counterterrorism without repercussions from the United States.

From Burkina Faso to Cameroon to Ethiopia, the United States has poured money into allied African militaries that have frequently proven more capable of abusing civilians than protecting them.  In each case, accountability mechanisms have been lax and slow to respond to reports of abuses. The report from Brown University’s Center for Human Rights and Humanitarian Studies, the Security Assistance Monitor at the Center for International Policy, and InterAction demonstrates that Nigeria fits the same pattern.

“We know from this and other cases around the world that training in civilian protection and human rights issues isn’t enough to change behavior and prevent abuses if security forces aren’t being held accountable for their actions,” Lauren Woods, the director of the Security Assistance Monitor, told Responsible Statecraft. “Unfortunately, what we see in Nigeria is emblematic of what we see with security assistance and arms sales all over the world.”

Since 2000, the U.S. has provided, facilitated, or approved more than $2 billion in security assistance and military weapons and equipment sales to Nigeria and has conducted more than 41,000 training courses for Nigerian military personnel to support counterterrorism efforts aimed at defeating Boko Haram and the Islamic State’s West Africa Province as well as promoting cooperation on maritime and border security and strengthening military professionalism, according to the report.  

Despite two decades spent mentoring the Nigerian armed forces, that military has been regularly implicated in gross human rights violations and crimes under international law, including extrajudicial executions and incommunicado detentions.  Between 2011 and 2021, for example, at least 10,000 civilians died in Nigerian military custody after being detained in connection with the Boko Haram insurgency in northeast Nigeria, according to Amnesty International.  Last August, Amnesty also reported that at least 115 people in the country’s southeast had been killed by security forces in the previous four months. 

The U.S. State Department’s most recent human rights assessment also found credible reports of unlawful and arbitrary killings, forced disappearances, and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, among many other crimes, by the Nigerian government.

The failure, despite efforts by the U.S. government and Nigerian military leadership, to curtail these rampant human rights violations indicates, says the new report, “that trainings provided by the U.S. and others have been insufficient” and that the United States has demonstrated “apparent limited capacity to shape the conduct of Nigerian security forces, notably on best practices to minimize civilian harm and follow up to allegations of abuse.”

In January 2017, a Nigerian air strike aimed at Boko Haram terrorists left more than 200 civilians dead or wounded. Later that year, the United States agreed to sell Nigeria 12 Super Tucano warplanes, including thousands of bombs and rockets, for $593 million, then the largest U.S. foreign military sale in sub-Saharan Africa. Last month, the U.S. approved a possible $997 million deal for 12 attack helicopters and related training and equipment to Nigeria. This followed revelations that, in April 2021, a Nigerian military helicopter launched  indiscriminate attacks on homes, farms and a school in an effort to strike at “bandits.”

The new report reveals that the January 2017 and April 2021 air strikes were not anomalies. Civilian casualties from such attacks have markedly increased in recent years, NGOs told the authors. “There is reportedly a widespread conception across military forces that any civilians who have not come out of the bush are affiliated with [nonstate armed groups],” according to the report. “The military seldom distinguishes between civilians and combatants and fails to take adequate precautions to mitigate civilian harm in anti-insurgent operations.” 

While the United States delayed its approval of the almost $1 billion attack helicopter deal due to human rights concerns including civilian deaths during Nigerian counterterrorism operations, experts say that the ultimate endorsement of the sale sends the wrong message.  “It’s hard to have an incentive to change behavior without consequences,” said Woods, one of the authors of the new report. “You can offer all the civilian protection and human rights training in the world, but without meaningful consequences for abuses, something the government cares about, it’s hard to get a different result other than continued abuses.” 

For its part, the United States — from Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya to Somalia, Syria and Yemen — has its own longstanding issues with civilian harm and failures of accountability. The Pentagon recently declared, for example, that a 2019 airstrike in Syria that the New York Times determined killed up to 64 noncombatants, including women and children, and was obscured through a multilayered coverup did not violate the laws of war or warrant disciplinary action.  

The $1 billion purchase of 12 attack helicopters would provide Nigeria with a significant upgrade in aerial firepower but experts say that it’s unlikely to significantly alter the balance of power in the country’s long fight with militants and more likely to lead to additional civilian harm. 

“This is an enormous arms deal. And it comes after years of weapons flowing into Nigeria from the United States, apparently without any mechanism to slow or stop the flow if the Nigerian government cannot hold its armed forces accountable for abuses,” said Woods. “It’s as though we still believe that new and better weapons will finally address this growing insecurity.”

 

READ MORE:

https://responsiblestatecraft.org/2022/05/23/costs-of-war-decades-of-us-military-aid-has-been-a-disaster-for-nigerians/

 

 

 

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