The inauguration of Donald Trump as the 47th President of the United States is this week’s main news story, not only in America but also in domestic Russian politics. Though all eyes on that day were fixed on Trump, it is telling that he also became the subject of intense discussions in this country, ranging from political circles to ordinary kitchen conversations. This is no anomaly — it is entirely logical.

 

Russia and the Trump Doctrine: Adapting to the ‘Rules of the Strong’     The Kommersant columnist outlines what Donald Trump’s return means for Russia and the world

    By Sergey Strokan

 

For Russia, Joe Biden was not just another departing American president. He was the leader who, following Moscow’s launch of its military operation in Ukraine in February 2022, built a global framework of confrontation against the country. By the time Biden left the White House, this structure was visibly fraying.

The once-unshakable international coalition supporting Ukraine faced growing cracks, while the West’s resolve to maintain unconditional support for Kiev was visibly waning.

Enter Donald Trump. In Russia, both politicians and the general public are consumed with the question: will Trump dismantle Biden’s anti-Russian framework, allow it to collapse under its own weight, or paradoxically, tighten its screws?

The future of Biden’s hostile construction hinges on whether Moscow and Washington can chart a path out of the Ukraine conflict that enables both sides to save face without feeling like losers. For the incoming Trump administration, it is critical that any resolution does not appear as an unconditional surrender — not necessarily for Ukraine, which the new president is largely indifferent to, but for Trump himself. Allowing Putin to emerge as the winner in a psychological and geopolitical duel is inconceivable for Washington. For Trump, the optics of a personal defeat would be absolutely unacceptable.

How the Ukrainian crisis is ultimately resolved depends largely on the interpretation of the terms “victory” and “defeat.” Both sides must align their definitions and find political will to declare a solution where “nobody has lost to anybody.” This is where the room for negotiation lies—if the desire exists.

But while the Ukraine crisis has dominated Russian politics and perceptions of the US since February 2022, it is critical to recognize that, for Trump’s America, Russia and Ukraine are far from the central concern. Many in Moscow find this difficult to comprehend.

Those who frame Trump’s presidency as a grand chess match with Russia are succumbing to naïve delusions. Trump has already signaled that his administration’s primary focus will not be resolving the Ukraine crisis. Instead, Trump envisions a bold session of simultaneous play on multiple geopolitical boards, stretching across continents.

Canada, Greenland, the Panama Canal — the list goes on. Trump’s approach reflects both an audacious attempt to reshape the global order and a rejection of the so-called “rules-based order” promoted by Joe Biden. Trump seeks to replace this outline with his own — “Trump’s rules” — which also remain unwritten but are already beginning to take shape. 

What are these rules? They are rooted in a classic “right of the strong” framework, where the sovereignty of one country is not inherently equal to another’s. Strength, rather than norms or equality, will define the balance of power in Trump’s vision of the world. For Russia, understanding and adapting to this will be essential in its relations with America, which remains the preeminent global superpower. 

Yet, for Trump’s rules to succeed, America must also learn to respect Russia’s strength — something Biden repeatedly failed to do. Trump, who prides himself on being a dealmaker, may attempt to strike a balance where power is acknowledged on both sides.

That said, Russia must not mistake Trump’s rhetoric for a singular focus on Ukraine. For the Trump administration, the Ukrainian crisis is just one of many pieces on a sprawling global chessboard. Trump’s geopolitical ambitions extend far beyond Eastern Europe. His focus lies on rewriting the international order in ways that consolidate America’s primacy while renegotiating the terms of engagement for allies and adversaries alike.

Trump’s return, therefore, represents a profound challenge for Moscow. His presidency will not be defined by any one conflict, but rather by his attempts to rewrite the rules of the international order itself. Whether this results in stability or chaos remains to be seen. For Russia, this is both an opportunity and a challenge — a chance to assert its sovereignty and strength, but also a test of its ability to navigate a world where the rules are constantly being rewritten.

https://www.rt.com/news/611575-russia-donald-trumps-return/

 

THE GAME IS STILL THE SAME: THE DECISION OF THE AMERICAN EMPIRE TO RULE THE ENTIRE WORLD, INCLUDING DESTROY RUSSIA AND CHINA, WITH DIFFERENT STYLES OF CLOWNING AND NEW MOVES OF TRAPEZE ARTISTRY....

 

MAKE A DEAL PRONTO BEFORE THE SHIT HITS THE FAN:

 

NO NATO IN "UKRAINE" (WHAT'S LEFT OF IT)

THE DONBASS REPUBLICS ARE NOW BACK IN THE RUSSIAN FOLD — AS THEY USED TO BE PRIOR 1922. THE RUSSIANS WON'T ABANDON THESE AGAIN.

THESE WILL ALSO INCLUDE ODESSA, KHERSON AND KHARKIV.....

CRIMEA IS RUSSIAN — AS IT USED TO BE PRIOR 1954

TRANSNISTRIA WILL BE PART OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION.

A MEMORANDUM OF NON-AGGRESSION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND THE USA.

 

EASY.

 

THE WEST KNOWS IT.

 

READ FROM TOP.

 

YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.

 

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

 

HYPOCRISY ISN’T ONE OF THE SINS OF THE TEN COMMANDMENTS.

HENCE ITS POPULARITY IN THE ABRAHAMIC TRADITIONS…

 

 

PLEASE DO NOT BLAME RUSSIA IF WW3 STARTS. BLAME AMERICA.

 

SEE ALSO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DIKvQn0Pcwc

 

SEE ALSO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TnSD3l5Bbfc