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the west hates russia, but russia does not hate the west....Russophobia is a way of turning specific pseudo-facts into essential one-dimensional values, barbarity, despotism, and expansionism in the Russian case in order to justify stigmatization and ostracism.
Russophobia: A “Will” of Peter the Great or a Polish “Memo” to Napoleon? BY Tamer Mansour
Andrei Loginov’s Proposal The Russian Duma continues to discuss the introduction of a law on criminal liability for Russophobia, based on a proposal from Andrei Loginov, who recently got appointed Rector of the Russian State University for the Humanities, and who worked as State Secretary and Deputy Minister of Justice, from 2020 to 2024.However, no number of “diplomatic” statements can obscure any fair onlooker’s vision, as we are all witnesses to the global anti-Russia campaigns, which certainly did not begin in 2022Mr. Loginov wanted to enshrine the concept of “liability for Russophobia” in legislation, calling for a legal mechanism to prevent the creation and dissemination of false information and propaganda against Russia. The government has prepared a positive draft of the official response to the draft law on criminalizing “Russophobia” for foreigners abroad, proposing to introduce a new article (136.1 “Russophobia”), into chapter 19 of the Criminal Code. The 1st part of the article will address the liability for discriminatory actions committed outside Russia by foreigners (including public officials) against citizens of the Russian Federation, and against a stateless person, or non-Russian citizen residing in Russia. The 2nd part will address Responsibility for public calls for discriminatory actions. Fergus Eckersley’s Denial On the other hand, there is the usual “diplomatic” rhetorical denial from the West. The UK Political Coordinator at the UN Fergus Eckersley, once stated in a 2023 UNSC meeting: “We do not suffer from Russophobia. There is a long history between our countries. We fought together in two world wars. Our country profoundly respects the rich cultural heritage of Russia “. However, no number of “diplomatic” statements can obscure any fair onlooker’s vision, as we are all witnesses to the global anti-Russia campaigns, which certainly did not begin in 2022. John Gleason’s Study In reality, it’s not “public opinion” that pushes governments to form a negative opinion towards another country, even in the most “ostensibly” democratic societies, it’s the other way around. Governments and their propaganda apparatuses, form and shift public opinion and its citizens’ sentiments to endear or antagonize them towards other countries, creating enemies or allies in the process. In his 1950 study on the topic titled “The Genesis of Russophobia in Great Britain: A Study of the Interaction of Policy and Opinion”, John Howes Gleason, Professor of English History and Chairman of the History Department at Pomona College in California, US, laid out the case that British Policy -towards Russia that is- was not seriously affected by public opinion, as he clarified that British “statesmen” who formed the policies, were customarily steps ahead of the public when it came to their sentiments towards Russia. As a matter of fact -although being cautious not to belittle the significance of the public- Gleason viewed that the attitude shifts of Russia herself, definitely likely had more effect on British policies than British public opinion. Guy Mettan’s Schism In his book published in 2017 with the title: “Creating Russophobia: From the Great Religious Schism to Anti-Putin Hysteria”, Swiss Parliamentarian and Author Guy Mettan, argues against Russophobia writing: “Russophobia is a way of turning specific pseudo-facts into essential one-dimensional values, barbarity, despotism, and expansionism in the Russian case in order to justify stigmatization and ostracism”. He also focuses on the schism of the Church, as King of the Franks and the Lombards, Charlamagne, was coronated as the 1st Roman Emperor in Western Europe in more than 300 years. His mere crowning, aside from his introduction of reforms to Christian rituals and liturgy, which were denounced by the Eastern Orthodox Church of Byzantium, to diminish and undermine “Byzantine” influence over “Rome”, and the rest of the European West in general. A schism that started initially religious with political aims, and later turned purely political “using” a religious veneer. While Byzantines and Russians were grouped under one category in the eyes and propaganda of the “West”. This category was named “Oriental style despotism”, as the Western Catholic Churches kept reprimanding Byzantium and Russia for their so-called “Caesaropapism”. The West was trying to ostracize their Orthodox nemeses in the East, by trying to contrast them to the presumably “enlightened” and “democratic” system of governance in Western Europe. Mettan cites a very clear example, showcasing that before the Schism, Western Europeans did not hold any negative views or stereotypes against the Russians. As he reminds that when Henri I, King of the Franks (1031 – 1060) was widowed by his 1st wife Matilda of Frisia, He travelled around 2000 miles eastward, to marry Anna Yaroslavna, better known historically as Anne of Kiev, the Princess of Kievan Rus, turning her into Queen of France. She ruled France after her Husband’s death during their son Philip’s infancy. Anne later got remarried to a French Nobleman called Ralph IV of Valois, and founded a monastery called “Abbey of St. Vincent” at Oise in Upper France. John Hackett’s Fiction The following quote is attributed to Peter the Great, Tsar of all Russia (1682 -1721), and the first Emperor of all Russia for the last 4 years of his life (1721 – 1725). The quote goes: “I strongly believe that the State of Russia will be able to take the whole of Europe under its sovereignty… you must always expand towards the Baltic and the Black Sea”. This cited quote, is extracted from a 1978 fiction novel titled: “The Third World War: The Untold Story”, by Australian-born British General and Author, Sir John Winthrop Hackett. A fiction where the Soviet Union launches a nuclear attack on the United Kingdom, which retaliates with a counter-nuclear attack on Minsk, Belarus, consequently triggering a loss of control of the USSR over the Warsaw Pact Republics. While food shortages in Russia, trigger an internal revolt and a military coup d’état. While another coup d’état initiated by the “Ukrainian Nationalists” overthrows the Politburo, inducing the fall of the Soviet Union, and bringing the end of World War III. Does this sound familiar and a little RAND-ish? Arguably, the entire historical narrative of a “threat” to Europe’s sovereignty, emanating from a purported expansive “doctrine” of Peter the Great, is no less fictional than the aforementioned quote. Michał Sokolnicki’s Memo There is a recurring emergence of a plan for the subjugation of Europe by Russia. This phenomenon started in 1744, because of the Russian Chancellor, Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, who called his foreign policy doctrine “The System of Peter the Great”, to legitimize it in the eyes of Princess Elizabeth, Peter I’s daughter, 20 years after her father’s death. Alexey’s doctrine did contain the idea of Russian dominance over Europe, through strengthening Russia’s alliances with Britain and the Netherlands and bolstering control over the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The only European country antagonized in this doctrine was Prussia. 53 years later, a Polish General and Politician called, Michał Sokolnicki, decided in 1797, to send a memo to the French Directory under the title “Aperçu sur la Russie”, a.k.a. “Testament of Peter the Great”, based on Alexey’s doctrine. Sokolnicki’s memo gained traction in 1812, when Napoleon Bonaparte, decided to use it as an integral part of his anti-Russia propaganda campaign. In the same year, Napoleon ordered a political essayist called Charles-Louis Lesur to write a memoir titled “Progress of the Russian Power, from Its Origin to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century”, where the “will”, “testament”, or “system” of Peter the Great was included, to justify Napoleon’s war against Russia. Since then, this memo has been cited by many historians, and it was even commented upon by none other than Karl Marx himself. Marx wrote: “The policy of Russia is changeless, the polar star of its policy – world domination – is a fixed star“. Adding: “Peter the Great touched this weak point when he wrote that in order to conquer the world, the Muscovites needed only souls“. In 1912, a Polish Historian also called Michał Sokolnicki, weirdly the same name as the Polish General who sent the memo to France, confirmed that the original Michał, did not make false claims in his memo when he claimed he had found a Russian document detailing the plans of Peter I to dominate Europe. Needless to remind, the “Alexey Doctrine” was written 20 years after Peter the Great’s death, and everything started from there. In my view, after witnessing what Jeffrey Sachs called ”childish propaganda” during his recent visit to the EU Parliament, and what Glenn Diesen called on X “barbarian at the gates of Europe.. deliberate instrument of propaganda”, I guess Andrei Loginov’s “liability for Russophobia” proposal is justified.
SEE ALSO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E9p5O6UxTxs Dmitry Polyanskiy: Victory Day & Politics of Historical Revisionism
Dmitry Polyanskiy is the First Deputy Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations. Polyanskiy outlines why Russia believes the West is engaging in historical revisionism of the Second World War. Russia is blamed for starting the war, and also gradually edited out of the victory. Follow Prof. Glenn Diesen:
YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.
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Vasily Danilovich Sokolovsky [pictured] (Russian: Васи́лий Дани́лович Соколо́вский; July 21, 1897 – May 10, 1968) was a Soviet general, military theorist, Marshal of the Soviet Union, and a commander of Red Army forces during World War II. As Georgy Zhukov's chief of staff, Sokolovsky helped plan and execute the Battle of Berlin. He also served as head of the Soviet Forces in East Germany and the Soviet Chief of the General Staff. Born to a Belarusian peasant family in Grodno in the Russian Empire, Sokolovsky joined the Red Army in 1918 and served with distinction in Central Asia during the Russian Civil War. He held a number of staff positions, eventually becoming Deputy Chief of the General Staff at the start of the German invasion of the Soviet Union. In late 1941, he helped coordinate the Soviet counter-offensive at the Battle of Moscow and drove German forces from the capital. As commander of the Soviet Western Front, he then took part in the Battle of Kursk and Operation Kutuzov. In April 1944, Sokolovsky was named chief of staff of the 1st Ukrainian Front under Georgy Zhukov, a position he served until the end of the war. In that capacity, he helped execute Zhukov's capture of Berlin. After the war, Sokolovsky was named deputy commander-in-chief of the Soviet Forces in Germany until July 1946, when he was promoted to commander-in-chief and head of the Soviet Military Administration; he was also named a Marshal of the Soviet Union. In 1949, Sokolovsky became the Soviet Deputy Minister of Defense, and in 1952 he was made Chief of the General Staff. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasily_Sokolovsky
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nazi EU......
Amid Russophobia and Political Calculation, EU Boycotts Moscow’s 80th WWII Anniversary Parade
BY Ricardo Martins
As Moscow hosts the largest Victory Day parade in history, the EU’s boycott reveals deep fractures in Europe’s moral memory and political priorities.
As the world prepares to mark the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, a historic celebration is brewing in Moscow. But while dozens of world leaders prepare to descend upon Red Square, a conspicuous absence looms: the European Union. Amid a deepening geopolitical chasm and persistent efforts to isolate the Kremlin, Brussels has effectively barred member states and candidate countries from participating in the Victory Day parade—an act that critics say distorts history and disrespects the memory of those who fell defeating fascism. The EU’s cold shoulder toward Russia is less about current policy and more about longstanding ideological antipathy.Despite the Soviet Union’s monumental sacrifice—losing an estimated 27 million lives in the struggle against the Nazi regime—Europe’s political establishment appears determined to sever even symbolic ties with Moscow. The refusal to participate in the commemorations is being framed not as a historical stance but as a political one: a message of protest against Vladimir Putin and his policies. Yet, the decision has sparked controversy, and not only in Russia.
More than 40 heads of state and government are expected to attend the May 9 celebrations in Moscow, setting a record in the post-Soviet era. Confirmed attendees include Chinese President Xi Jinping, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, and the Prime Ministers of Slovakia, Hungary, India, and South Africa, among others. Their presence stands in stark contrast to the European void, which observers interpret as a manifestation of “institutional Russophobia” rather than a genuine diplomatic stance.
“It’s deeply ironic,” said Russian historian Pavel Krutikhin. “Europe owes its freedom in large part to the Soviet soldiers who stormed Berlin. But in 2025, the flags of the Red Army will be banned in Berlin, while the flags of some Axis-aligned or collaborationist nations are not. What does that say about the moral memory of the continent?”
In Berlin, authorities have banned the display of both Russian and Soviet flags on May 8 and 9—days marking the fall of Berlin to the Red Army and the unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany. Berlin’s Senate defended the move, calling it a measure to “avoid provocation and unrest,” but critics argue that such actions amount to a historical revisionism that caters more to present-day political narratives than to the truth of the past.
More controversially, some EU leaders themselves are the subject of renewed scrutiny. Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, for example, is under criticism for her family’s wartime past. Her grandfather reportedly fought alongside Nazi-aligned forces in Estonia and continued resistance against Soviet forces post-liberation. Similarly, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen comes from a family with high-ranking historical ties, leading some critics to argue that the EU’s cold shoulder toward Russia is less about current policy and more about longstanding ideological antipathy.
In a recent public statement, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned the EU’s directive to prohibit participation as “an insult to the collective memory of our shared history.” Russian officials were particularly incensed that Brussels extended the prohibition to EU candidate countries in the Balkans and Eastern Europe, many of which have deep cultural and historical ties to Russia.
Marshal Georgy Zhukov, the Soviet commander who led the final assault on Berlin, once remarked: “We have freed Europe from fascism, but they will never forgive us for this.” Eight decades later, his words seem to echo with unnerving clarity.
Observers note that the refusal to commemorate Victory Day alongside Russia represents not only a fracture in diplomatic relations but also a missed opportunity for reconciliation and historical unity. “What message is Europe sending,” asks Serbian analyst Dejan Milić, “when it refuses to celebrate the defeat of Nazism because of contemporary disagreements with the Kremlin? Have we become so cynical that we forget who actually won the war?”
In refusing to engage with the Moscow celebrations, the EU may be hoping to signal strength and unity in the face of Russia’s ongoing global posture. Yet, the optics of the decision suggest something darker: a willingness to rewrite or ignore historical truths for political convenience.
The world will watch as Moscow holds its grandest parade yet—a defiant celebration of memory, victory, and geopolitical reality. It remains to be seen whether Europe will view its absence as an act of principle… or a strategic mistake.
Ricardo Martins ‒PhD in Sociology, specializing in policies, European and world politics and geopolitics
https://journal-neo.su/2025/05/09/amid-russophobia-and-political-calculation-eu-boycotts-moscows-80th-wwii-anniversary-parade/
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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky
POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.