Saturday 7th of November 2026

liberal democracy or democratic liberalism?....

 

Human beings did not always believe in progress. At least not in the way we have. These days we say, “It’s 2026!” to express exasperation at a failing piece of technology, a persistent social problem like homelessness or a regressive social attitude. But no one said, “It’s 1148!” in the same way. In ancient and medieval times, people might conceivably have spoken about being on the right side of God but the idea of being on “the right side of history” would have been incomprehensible.

 

TIME OF MONSTERS

What Future for Liberalism?

WALEED ALY

 

Such expressions only make sense to people brought up to believe in a unidirectional view of human history, flowing inexorably from darkness to illumination. That is an idiosyncratic, very modern view that grows directly out of the Enlightenment. Before that, the prevailing view was that history was cyclical: that empires rise and fall, civilisations flourish and decay, and those who come later are not necessarily wiser, wealthier, more intelligent than, or morally superior to, those who came before. The Abrahamic faiths largely told an eschatological story of moral decay. Ibn Khaldun, in a chilling warning, held that once civilisations gain extravagant wealth and replace duty with individual indulgence, they soon collapse. The Enlightenment declared instead that science and reason would cause human knowledge to build cumulatively over time and lead to constant human improvement, even perfectibility.

The communists believed this as much as the capitalists. Their disagreement was over what constituted perfection and how best to achieve it, but both were convinced we now lived in a fundamentally progressive world. The deepest dissent came from the conservatives, who doubted that human rationality alone could penetrate all the mysteries of the world and feared it could go horribly wrong. But while that human temperament is ineradicable, politics did a reasonable job of rendering it impotent. This is why, when the Soviet Union collapsed and communism decisively lost the Cold War battle of ideas, Francis Fukuyama could muse that we had generally reached The End of History and the Last Man: “the end-point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.”

On some level, we all inherited Fukuyama’s style of thinking. If he was wrong, it might be because non-Western movements like Islamism or China’s state-capitalism model continued to attempt to challenge Western capitalist dominance. But no mainstream thinker expected Western publics to become disillusioned with their own societies. Now that we had cracked the formula for perpetual growth, ever better technology and perpetual human improvement, the Western model would simply go on making life better.

When people stop believing that, it quickly becomes a crisis for societies like ours. We are not Stoics conditioned to absorb the slings and arrows of misfortune (though it is surely no coincidence that the Stoics are having a moment right now). Our political order was built on the promise of expanding wealth and greater control over our lives. It said we could dream big, then pursue those dreams, and that if we didn’t achieve them, maybe our children would. It assumed each generation would live longer and be more comfortable. Partisan combatants might have labelled themselves conservative or progressive, but both made this same fundamental offer. The conservative–progressive divide was mostly about the best way to deliver constant improvement and who was best equipped to do so. There might be winners or losers. There might be the odd speed bump or correction, but the direction of travel was clear.

As disillusionment sets in, there is no shortage of culprits. One possibility is to tell a story about capitalism, which generates gaping inequalities and destroys the planet. This becomes primarily a tale of economic pain and survival anxiety, which is why the roots of the populist right are in the working class. Another story blames the depredations of the internet: the torrents of misinformation and disinformation, the incessant polarisation, the unleashing of extreme hate-filled rhetoric that has us holding each other in contempt while we collectively lose our minds. There’s truth in both these accounts but I suspect they pull up short. Beneath them lies a master concept so fundamental we often don’t stop to name it: liberalism. What’s most fundamentally changing is people’s relationship with this underlying philosophy.

Liberalism defines almost our entire social and political order in the West. Whatever we consider foundational usually derives from it. Much of this is institutional: a free press, an independent judiciary, the separation of powers, governments hemmed in by constitutions, the sovereignty of the people. Some of it reflects philosophical commitments: individual freedom as the foundation undergirding specific freedoms of speech, association, conscience, religion and trade; a belief that government rules by the consent of the governed and that all citizens are equal. And the overarching character of this arrangement is clear: less hierarchy, fewer hang-ups, fewer social mores, more and easier diversity. A world of choice, and ever-proliferating choices. And, taxes aside, it’s progress without sacrifice or serious restraint. Each individual person pursuing their individual dream would make life better overall.

This essay is about liberalism’s place in the current maelstrom. It argues that the various modes of upheaval we’re seeing – conservative, progressive, victorious and vanquished – are all reactions to liberalism, often explicitly. They are all forms of what I am going to call “post-liberal” politics. By this, I mean something quite general: that they are attempts by movements within liberal democracies to leave liberalism behind to some significant degree. Understanding them in this way allows us to make at least some sense of the chaos we’re seeing. It also helps us assess whether and to what extent liberalism now finds itself in a state of disrepair. Post-liberal thinkers clearly think that case is closed. Occasionally, they declare liberalism – the old world – not merely dying but already dead. I’m not convinced of that. But I do think liberalism is in trouble for reasons it often fails to understand. These post-liberal movements are useful in identifying these vulnerabilities, even if they take several objectionable turns in doing so.

Normally, the term “post-liberal” is applied to conservatives, because many conservative critics of liberalism have themselves used and embraced the term. Trump’s vice president, J.D. Vance, has formally adopted the label, and other US Republicans, including Marco Rubio and Missouri senator Josh Hawley, are frequently associated with it. But there is no reason to limit the term this way. Perhaps America’s most influential conservative post-liberal philosopher, Patrick Deneen, builds his criticism very much on foundations laid by British philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre, who had Marxist sympathies and rejected the post-liberal tag. Other British post-liberals, such as John Milbank (an Anglican theologian) and Adrian Pabst (who identifies with the left), come from a communitarian perspective, are critics of nationalism and give little succour to populists, so are not truly allies of the American theorists. And while woke politics comes from a different place again – from a radical strand of postmodernism – it attacks liberalism’s tensions and contradictions no less stridently. That is why we experience several of these movements as radical. Monsters, if you like. That’s why it probably feels like the world is ending. But if anything is ending, it’s a particular version of the world that has broadly held sway in Western democracies since the end of World War II and had been developing for centuries.

That world has taken varying forms along the way – more or less government spending, more or less market regulation, rapid or slower cultural change – but the organising principles have always been relatively clear. The party system was stable, trade tended towards becoming freer, social attitudes tended towards becoming more open, immigration eventually became indispensable, and elected governments were legitimate, even if we didn’t like them. In the international realm, our allies and foes were known, and our governments paid lip service to the international rules-based order, even when they were flouting it. We’d fight over all this – of course we would – but we’d do so within parameters we mostly understood. Any politics that objected to those parameters belonged on university campuses and, later, in the backwaters of the internet. Now they have very much joined the political fray.

https://www.quarterlyessay.com.au/essay/2026/09/time-of-monsters/extract

 

 

PLEASE VISIT:

YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT — SINCE 2005.

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

         RABID ATHEIST.

         WELCOME TO THIS INSANE WORLD….

 

 

liberalism....

 

John Uhr

Relearning Liberalism

 

In his Quarterly Essay, Waleed Aly finds modern liberalism increasingly hollowed out and detached from older ideas of civic virtue. But Fukuyama, Mill and Australian literature suggest those traditions have never entirely disappeared.

Intellectual liberals take note: Waleed Aly’s recent essay argues that the political creed of modern liberalism has run its race (see ‘Time of Monsters’ in Quarterly Essay No 103, 2026, pp 1–108). Aly’s extensive evidence shows that liberalism is listless – drifting away from any substantive philosophy of the good life. But Aly’s fears about the moral hollowness of modern liberalism neglect reassuring elements of liberal-democratic philosophy.

Aly’s second thoughts about the intellectual limitations of modern liberalism allow him to contrast many intellectual founders of liberalism with pre-liberal views held by ‘the ancients’. Aly persuasively contrasts the minimal civic ethics of the intellectual founders of modern liberalism (notably Hobbes and Locke) with one of ‘the ancients’ greatest political philosophers – Aristotle, whose virtue ethics liberalism sorely needs. The doctrine of modern liberalism appears to rest primarily on institutional structures, such as Hobbes’ all-powerful sovereign or Locke’s separation of the branches of government.

READ MORE: https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/10/relearning-liberalism/

 

=========================

 

IN THIS ANALYSIS, WHICH IS REASONABLE, BUT SOMEWHAT SELF-SERVING, UHR BITES AT THE ANKLES OF PAST AND NEW PHILOSOPHERS...

THE FLUX OF DEMOCRACY IS ALTERNATING SOMEWHAT BETWEEN SOCIAL-LIBERALISM AND CONSERVATIVE-LIBERALISM. WHAT HAS CHANGED SINCE THE ANCIENT TIMES ISN'T SO MUCH THE PHILOSOPHICAL DEBATE BUT THE SPEED AT WHICH WE DISCUSS IT AND THE PLATFORM FROM WHICH WE CAN DELUDE OR INFORM THE PUBLIC, AND OUR CONFUSION BECOMING PROTEST OR APATHY AT THE SPEED OF LIGHT.

SO DESPITE WHAT ALI SAYS, THIS IS "PROGRESS IN 2026"... WE DO NO USE THE STEPS OF THE PARTHENON [THOUGH RUBIO DID TO PUSH FOR HIGH END CRAP], BUT TIKTOK, YOUTUBE, NEWS-AT-SIX-OR-SEVEN, SKYNUZ, POLITICAL LIES, POLITICAL HALF-TRUTHS, ALLIANCES AND HISTORICAL BLENDED THEMES.

WE TEND TO LOOSE TRACK OF THE BASELINES IN FAVOUR OF STRONGER FLAVOURS... AND BIGGER AMOUNT OF IT [GUSNOTE: IT LOOKS LIKE LIZZO HAS LOST SOME WEIGHT. CONGRATS]. ONE MEAL PORTION IS OFTEN ENOUGH OR TWO.

THIS ASIDE, WE SHOULD PAY LESS ATTENTION TO SOME BRASSY EVENTS AND LOOK AT THE UNDERLYING MONENTUM THAT CREATED SUCH EVENT. THIS IS WHY THE CHANGES BY TRUMP ON UKRAINE ARE IMPORTANT AND DEFINING OF THE FUTURE... TRUMP AND AMERICA REALISED THAT PROPPING UP THE PRESENT NAZI GOVERNMENT IN KIEV WILL NOT RESULT IN RUSSIA'S DEFEAT — BUT A DEFEAT OF THE ENTIRE WESTERN WORLD.

TWO VIDEOS SHOULD BE VIEWED:

FIRST: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tijRN_3nVJw

Will Trump blame Europe for 'losing Ukraine'? John Mearsheimer warns of a NATO and EU reckoning. Here's why a Russian win hits Europe hardest.
What You Need to Know
• The warning: Mearsheimer says a Russian victory, even an 'ugly' one, would be a 'stunning defeat for Europe' and for NATO, triggering recrimination between and inside member states.
• Europe and Russia: he says relations will be 'poisonous' and dangerous, with six other flashpoints where a war could break out, including the Arctic, the Baltic Sea and Kaliningrad, Belarus, Moldova and the Black Sea.
• The EU: he says a weaker NATO would hurt the EU, and that lost Russian gas and oil has seriously hurt Europe's major economies and slowed eurozone growth.
• Trump and Europe: he predicts a transatlantic blame game, with Trump accusing Europeans of not stepping up and Europeans accusing Trump of bailing out on Ukraine. He says Trump has described the EU as an enemy created 'to screw the United States'.
• US troops: he says the war and the rise of China raise the chance that the US cuts its military footprint in Europe or pulls its combat troops out.
• His conclusion: he calls the war a 'disaster' and says the US and its European allies are 'principally responsible'. These are Mearsheimer's views, which many Western leaders reject.
The views expressed are the speaker's own. Subscribe to NDTV World for global news and geopolitical analysis.

 

SECOND: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-v5LruPOde8

Putin’s Chilling Response After De Gaulle's Grandson Proposes France Join BRICS | APT

In a remarkable moment at the St. Petersburg International Cultural Forum, Pierre de Gaulle — grandson of celebrated French wartime leader and President General Charles de Gaulle — directly addresses Russian President Vladimir Putin, advocating for France and the Francophone world to formally join the BRICS alliance.

Invoking the legacy of his grandfather, Pierre de Gaulle argues that true stability and peace require cultural diplomacy, respect for civilizational history, and an embrace of a multipolar world order. Criticizing the current political trajectory and cultural decadence in the West, he calls for European nations to establish diplomatic ties with BRICS structures and proposes that France take a leading role in bridging divides between Europe and Eurasia.

Responding to the appeal, President Putin highlights the enduring weight of the de Gaulle family name, drawing a historical parallel between the sovereign resistance of Charles de Gaulle and the collaborationist governance of Marshal Philippe Pétain. Comparing modern European political divisions to this historical split, Putin affirms that should Paris officially submit an application to join BRICS, Russia and its partner states stand ready to review and consider it.

 

WHAT FLAVOUR THE PUBLIC SERVICE?

THROUGHOUT HISTORY, THIS IS THE MAIN QUESTION THAT HAS RARELY BEEN ASKED, BUT OFTEN DECIDED BY "LEADERS" [POLITIDCAL AND RELIGIOUS] WITH NO REGARD FOR PHILOSOPHY....

THE NEEDS OF ONE IS NOT NECESSARILY THE NEEDS OF OTHERS, THOUGH MOST NEEDS ARE BASICALLY SURVIVAL NECESSITY. BUT DO WE NEED TO EXIST?

FOR HUMANS, MOST OF WHAT WE WANT IS STYLISTICALLY CONSTRUCTED AND THIS IS WHERE WE MOSTLY DIFFER. WE GET TEMPTED BY EQUAL VALUES BY MANIPULATION OF APPEARANCES. THIS HAS BEEN THE STYLISTIC DISCUSSIONS ON THIS SITE.

MANAGING THESE DIFFERENCES HAS BEEN THE CHALLENGE OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTS IN WHICH A TONAL BASELINE IS “PUBLIC SERVICE”. THE REST IS FLAVOUR.

ICECREAM: SUGAR CREAM, LEMON, STRAWB, VANILLA?

COFFEE: BITTERNESS VS AROMA?

MICHAEL PARENTI

PUTIN 

TRUMP

THE REST….

WE SHALL CARRY ON TO DISCUSS AND LIVE...

==============================

 

READ FROM TOP.

PLEASE VISIT:

YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT — SINCE 2005.

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

         RABID ATHEIST.

         WELCOME TO THIS INSANE WORLD….

 

 

 

 

 

keen as keynes.....

 

Back to Keynes for ‘the good life’

By Michael Roberts

 

There is a new play in London’s West End at the moment. It’s called The Standard of Living by James Graham. The play is about the famous British economist John Maynard Keynes. Graham is fascinated by this ‘genius economist’. Being an artist rather than an economist, Graham is more concerned with Keynes’ apparent belief in the Socratic philosophy of “What makes a good life?” Keynes’s answer, according to Graham, is that “the most valuable entities in life were not money, purchases or success, but relationships, love and “aesthetic appreciation”. In one essay, Keynes defined the human problem as “how to live wisely, agreeably, and well”.

Graham thinks that Keynes offers an alternative to our money-making profit-led society. “I’m absolutely convinced of that. You always feel that you have to fight for it but most people from my post-industrial working class community accept the intellectual argument that he(Keynes) made all those years ago; that [there should be] subsidy on something that doesn’t instantly make direct profit back, a painting, a play, a ballet, a song, that doesn’t have a value that is easily quantified on an Excel spreadsheet but adds to the value of a nation and to the meaning and happiness of it.” But unfortunately, we live in a world where ‘money, purchases and success’ dominate. Indeed, seats for Graham’s play are going for up to £298 (or nearly $400)—although there are some for the under-30s at just £25. You need a very good ‘standard of living’ to get a seat at a play about the ‘good life’.

Most people in the world and even in the so-called Global North cannot live ‘wisely, agreeably and well’. So economics cannot be ignored in the search for the ‘good life’. Graham reckons, like many others, that Keynes had an answer to this ‘economic problem’. Following Keynes, governments needed to act and do “away with convention, and instead of saving and cutting in the bad times, we spent and invested in the downturn instead, lessening the human suffering and also, potentially, saving money long term by arriving at growth earlier? What if governments worldwide finally let go of Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” of the free market and began intervening directly in their economic systems instead?” Indeed, Graham hopes that market crashes, global pandemics or foreign wars “shouldn’t be seen exclusively as crises, but also as opportunities. Indeed, perhaps the only opportunities the universe hands you for big, ambitious reforms as the dust settles, and the rebuilding begins.”

In the play, Graham brings in the ‘free market’ economist Friedrich Hayek to confront Keynes. They expound their supposedly alternative theories: from Hayek, the belief that the market should rule; from Keynes, the suggestion that governments can stimulate revival. Then they dance (a dance that Graham dramatises because Keynes had married a ballerina). “We must raise interest rates to encourage saving,” says Hayek, as he dips into a backbend. “We want to lower interest rates to discourage saving and encourage spending,” counters Keynes, as he swirls around the floor. Graham is clear who wins this ‘strictly come dancing’ competition. “Keynes is a beacon because, although his ideas were constantly rebuffed, he kept offering them as a better alternative. His thinking comes from a place of morality,” Graham says.

And while I liked writing Hayek’s speeches in defence of market forces, my heart is with Keynes and the idea that, in dark, difficult times, you intervene. You don’t let the universe pass you by without getting involved.

Turn to Keynes and his philosophy and economics, says Graham.

I am aware that painting and poetry are not going to overturn the whole of our national malaise, solve the housing crisis and get the young back into work, but I do suggest–as proposed not by a bohemian guru but by a level-headed genius economist–that, in our disconnected communities full of isolated people whose potential for discovery, enrichment, contribution and surprise is being wasted, a big national project to rebuild better could factor in how we might live more happily together, enjoying personal growth as well as the economic kind.

It’s a fine aim. But did Keynes really have any answer to achieving the ‘good life’ for humanity? The majority of the liberal left economists, trade union leaders and politicians think so. For example, “The theories of John Maynard Keynes provide the sound intellectual framework for the views which trade unionists had always instinctively held and known to be right” (British TUC document 1968, p. 85).

Take the views of Larry Elliott, former economics editor of the British liberal left Guardian newspaper. In the economic crisis now facing many major economies, the right wing neoliberal economists and politicians call yet again for austerity, cuts in welfare and public services to ‘balance the books’. Elliott says, instead we need to destroy these right-wing economic myths by “looking to Keynes”. “Some new economic thinking is required, and if ever there were a time for an iconoclast like Keynes, it is surely now. He would certainly have no truck with the wrong-headed economic policies of the past half-century and the seemingly commonsense phrases—such as maxing out the credit card—that have been used to disguise just how nonsensical they are.” Elliott concludes that “Today, Keynes and Hayek are still revered by their followers on the political left and right respectively. Yet, the past two decades have showed the enduring nature of Keynes’s insights, first in 2008 and then during the global pandemic of 2020.”

But did Keynes come up such enduring answers to crises in capitalism? After Keynes’ death in 1946, post-war governments followed Keynes in the belief that they could ‘manage’ a capitalist economy with a judicious mix of monetary and fiscal policy and suitable regulation of industry and finance—namely what became called a ‘mixed economy’ of a capitalist sector backed by government support. That came to be the ideal of social democratic leaders as an alternative to ‘free market’ capitalism and socialism.

The myth developed that the post-war Golden Age of economic growth and relatively full employment in the Global North was a product of successful Keynesian policies. But it was a myth. In the 1960s, Keynesian economics was all the rage and government management of the economy, with central banks and government spending, was the order of the day. Even President Nixon declared that we are ‘all Keynesians now’. But by the end of the 1970s, the strategists of capital had ditched Keynes and opted for what we now call the ‘neoliberal’ policies of Hayek as in Graham’s play, namely cutting back on the size of government, privatising, weakening the trade unions, liberalising markets (including financial markets) and imposing tight monetary and fiscal austerity (or at least in part—austerity did not apply to defence and wars!).

Why was this? It was because Keynesian policies had failed to avoid new crises, namely the biggest worldwide economic slump in capitalism since the war in 1974-75 and then a deeper and more damaging slump in 1980-2. How could there be these new crises if Keynesian economic management was in operation everywhere? Keynesian economics had no answer. Marxist economics did have. The reason was that the 1970s had seen a collapse in the profitability in the productive sectors of the major capitalist economies. This was a crisis that only Marxist economics could explain, not Keynes. Indeed, in a way, the strategists of capital recognised that too.Their aim was to raise the profitability of capital at all costs as the only way out—not to revert to Keynesian ‘demand management’. In contrast to Keynes, Marx’s analysis shows that the capitalist system is not just suffering from a ‘technical malfunction’ in its financial sector, but has inherent contradictions in the production sector, namely the barrier to growth caused by capital itself. What flows from this is that the capitalist system cannot be reformed or corrected in order to achieve sustained economic growth without booms and slumps—it must be replaced.

Even Keynes in his later years seemed to think that his policies were only to be used temporarily before reverting to traditional neoclassical economics—namely government stays away from interfering in markets and capitalist production and lets the market do its work. “I do not suppose that the (neo)classical medicine will work by itself or that we can depend on it. We need quicker and less painful aids. But in the long run (!), these expedients will work better and we shall need them less, if the classical medicine is also at work. And if we reject the medicine from our systems altogether, we may just drift on from expedient to expedient and never get really fit again.” Keynes 1946.

Contrary to the ‘good life’, the profit motive must remain: “The loss of profit may be due to all sorts of causes, but short of going over to communism there is no possibility of curing unemployment except by restoring to employers a proper margin of profit.” As Keynes argued that “Economic prosperity is…dependent on a political and social atmosphere which is congenial to the average businessman.”

In his later years, Keynes even praised the very laissez-faire ‘liberal’ capitalism of Hayek that Graham portrays in his play. In 1944, he wrote to Friedrich Hayek in praise of his book, The Road to Serfdom, which argues that economic planning inevitably leads to totalitarianism. Keynes wrote: “morally and philosophically I find myself in agreement with virtually the whole of it; and not only in agreement with it, but in a deeply moved agreement.”(!) As for Marx, Keynes reckoned Das Kapital was “an obsolete economic textbook which I know to be not only scientifically erroneous but without interest or application for the modern world.”

For Keynes, only the intelligentsia can recognise the value of the ‘good life’ (as Graham portrays in his play, namely that which Keynes’ rich bohemian friends in Bloomsbury and Charleston, Sussex were living). His friends’ life style was ‘the good life’, which Marxism would destroy:

How can I adopt a creed which, preferring the mud to the fish, exalts the boorish proletariat above the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, who with all their faults, are the quality of life and surely carry the seeds of all human achievement?

During the Great Depression of the 1930s, Keynes argued that ‘the economic problem’ of scarcity and toil could be overcome and the ‘good life’ could be achieved under the capitalist mode of production: “I draw the conclusion that, assuming no important wars and no important increase in population, the ‘economic problem’ may be solved, or be at least within sight of solution, within a hundred years. This means that the economic problem is not—if we look into the future—the permanent problem of the human race.”

Well, nearly one hundred years later, the capitalist mode of production has not avoided poverty for the majority of the world. It has not ended grotesque inequalities of income or wealth. It has not avoided endless wars, including ones that have involved the whole world. Indeed, within a decade of Keynes’ comments in the 1930s, there was a world war that killed millions of armed and unarmed people and destroyed the livelihoods of millions more. And since 1945, there has not been a day where there has not been armed conflict somewhere in the world. The good life is still not with us. So, perhaps, rather than back to Keynes, it should be forward to Marx.

Monthly Review does not necessarily adhere to all of the views conveyed in articles republished at MR Online. Our goal is to share a variety of left perspectives that we think our readers will find interesting or useful. —Eds. https://mronline.org/2026/10/17/back-to-keynes-for-the-good-life/   

READ FROM TOP.

PLEASE VISIT:

YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT — SINCE 2005.

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

         RABID ATHEIST.

         WELCOME TO THIS INSANE WORLD….