Para la presidenta de México, la victoria de Lula en Brasil representa un balón de oxígeno en su casi solitaria resistencia regional a la monroeización de América Latina.

Como cada jornada cuando ingresa al recinto de sus habituales conferencias mañaneras en el Palacio Nacional, la presidenta de México, Claudia Sheinbaum, expresó sus «buenos días» a los reporteros allí reunidos. Pero este lunes 26 su saludo tuvo un sesgo particular. Con una sonrisa dibujada en su rostro, seguidamente, expresó: «Estamos felices, muy contentos del triunfo de Lula en Brasil. Muchas muchas muchas felicidades al presidente Lula, al pueblo de Brasil. Es una bocanada de aire fresco para América Latina y el Caribe. Muy muy contentos». Más adelante, al responder a una pregunta, agregaría que la victoria del carismático líder del Partido de los Trabajadores «es el triunfo de un mandatario, un movimiento popular, un Gobierno que representa a su pueblo» y «la derrota de un movimiento de derecha». Después del mediodía se conocería que Lula y Sheinbaum habían sostenido una «llamada breve» pero «muy emotiva», en la que acordaron un encuentro en una fecha próxima.

https://rebelion.org/el-eje-mexico-brasil/

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Carlos Fazio

For the President of Mexico, Lula’s victory in Brazil represents a breath of fresh air in her largely solitary regional resistance against the "Monroe-ization" of Latin America.

As she does every day upon entering the venue for her customary morning press briefings at the National Palace, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum greeted the reporters gathered there. But this Monday, the 26th, her greeting carried a special tone. With a smile on her face, she immediately declared: "We are happy—very happy—about Lula’s victory in Brazil. Many, many, many congratulations to President Lula and to the people of Brazil. It is a breath of fresh air for Latin America and the Caribbean. Very, very happy." Later, in response to a question, she added that the victory of the charismatic Workers' Party leader "is the triumph of a leader, a popular movement, and a government that represents its people," as well as "the defeat of a right-wing movement." By the afternoon, it was revealed that Lula and Sheinbaum had held a "brief" yet "very moving" phone call, during which they agreed to meet in the near future.

Sheinbaum’s joy was well-founded. No one—leading a country with a border spanning over 3,000 kilometers, an asymmetrical structural economic dependence on its northern neighbor, and ties bound by the USMCA (United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement)—could better grasp the significance of Lula’s victory at a time when the White House is pushing an aggressive, colonial-style project to reconfigure the hemisphere. Subjected to intermittent pressure from Donald Trump—who, since the start of his second term, has repeatedly threatened a unilateral ground military intervention in Mexico under the pretext of combating drug trafficking—Sheinbaum understands, perhaps better than most regional leaders, that the Latin American and Caribbean region currently stands at a historic crossroads, for the first time since the end of the Cold War.

Following a series of rigged electoral victories by obscure political outsiders—such as Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa, Honduras’s Nasry Asfura, Chile’s José Antonio Kast, Bolivia’s Rodrigo Paz, Colombia’s Abelardo de la Espriella, and Peru’s Keiko Fujimori—all backed by Washington (in some cases through algorithmic manipulation), the triumph of "Bolsonarism" would have cemented a radical regional shift toward conservative, right-wing politics and an unconditional alignment with Washington and Israel. Much like in the 1960s, Mexico would have found itself isolated, standing alongside small Uruguay and Cuba—the latter having continued to resist the imperial blockade ever since that era (dating back to the inter-American meetings in Punta del Este).

Another common thread linking Sheinbaum and Lula is their opposition to joining the "Shield of the Americas." As part of the National Security Strategy of the Trump 2.0 administration, this new Pentagon instrument aims to establish a military, security, and intelligence architecture designed to preserve what is termed the "Western Hemisphere" as a "vital space" for the United States—a move occurring as the U.S. undergoes a strategic retrenchment amid the decline of its own hegemony. Both leaders have resisted adopting the Trumpist framing that equates criminal economic groups with "international terrorist organizations"—a cunning ruse employed by Washington to justify direct or covert military operations in third-party nations.

Like Lula, Sheinbaum has faced an underground "culture war"—waged both in the political arena and on digital platforms by local conservative factions closely aligned with Trumpism and the Spanish far-right (Vox and the People’s Party). Sheinbaum is championing the continuation of a reformist, progressive project rooted in multilateralism, the defense of the UN Charter, a defensive form of sovereignism, neo-industrialization, and technological sovereignty. And just as Lula’s belated mobilization on WhatsApp helped him recover ground during the runoff election, Sheinbaum’s morning press briefings and "digital infantry" serve as her antidotes for waging battles on the symbolic front.

Although Trump has openly championed Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro—both of whom are fugitives from the Brazilian justice system—he does not hold all the cards. A potential alliance between Brazil and Mexico could even represent a turning point in the continental and global advance of the new breed of far-right movements currently in vogue.

Por Carlos Fazio | 02/11/2026 | Brasil, México

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