Friday 29th of November 2024

Brazil’s deception threatens climate goals.....

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LUCAS FERRANTE AND PHILIP M. FEARNSIDE

 

SCIENCE • 23 Dec 2021 • Vol 374, Issue 6575 • p. 1569 

 

Brazilian agribusiness has led a lobby responsible for dismantling the country’s environmental and Indigenous legislation (1). In the lead-up to the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26), Brazil began proposing policies that were misleadingly presented as beneficial to the environment. The proposals made by Brazil’s Minister of Environment at COP26 followed the same pattern (2).

 

In the prelude to COP26, a bill (PL 528/2021) supported by the “ruralist” (large landholder) lobby advanced through the National Congress to create the “Brazilian Market for Emissions Reductions.” The proposed Brazilian market is not primarily to invest in reducing deforestation but rather for measures such as paying soy planters to use no-till methods, a subsidy that has no climate benefits. [These methods are less expensive and therefore would be adopted even without subsidies (3)].

 

The market would also subsidize planting trees in deforested areas, in an effort to recover the “areas of permanent protection” (“áreas de proteção permanente” in the Brazilian Forest Code) that ranchers have illegally cleared (4). Luckily, the bill was put on hold on 9 November (5); if enacted, as is likely, it would have limited benefits for mitigating global warming. Effective policies would instead prevent deforestation, which would protect the water cycle, biodiversity, and the forest’s traditional peoples. Brazil’s environment could have much to gain from a carbon market (6), but the country would be better off without this bill (7).

 

Three weeks before COP26, Brazil’s presidential administration launched its “green growth program.” The program contains no specific measures, numerical targets, or timelines (8). Brazil’s main promise is to achieve “zero illegal deforestation,” promised by 2030 in the Paris Agreement and again at COP26. However, this can be achieved either by halting deforestation or by simply legalizing the clearing that is taking place, and Brazil is opting for the latter (9).

 

In the country’s COP26 presentation, Brazil altered its greenhouse-gas emission accounts by switching to a higher estimate for emissions in the base year before calculating its promised percentage emission reduction (10). In addition, Brazil’s chosen base year (2005) misleads because it is near the notorious 2004 deforestation peak (10). This makes Brazil’s promise to reduce its emissions by 50% by 2030, instead of just 43%, meaningless (10). Furthermore, the Brazilian COP26 proposal demands payment from other countries for Amazonia’s environmental services (4). Yet the payment would apparently simply supplement the national budget rather than be earmarked for environmental actions (4).

 

Brazil’s current stance on environmental issues should be seen as a global threat. Various legal paths exist to oblige compliance with the “non-binding” promises made at COP26 (11). Brazil can also be induced to comply by the countries that import Brazilian commodities, especially China (12). Given the threat that Brazilian agribusiness poses to global efforts to contain climate change, importing countries should condition their purchases on annual reductions in deforestation and emissions being in line with the COP26 promises.

 

READ MORE:

https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.abn0693#core-collateral-purc...

 

 

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carbon-neutral skis...

 Beijing's green Olympics had corporate press seeing red  By Ian Goodrum

 

 

The most important story from the recently concluded Beijing Winter Olympics didn't take place during any sporting event. It wasn't one of the many moments of brilliance we witnessed over the last month, as athletes performed at their peak to make their countries proud.

No, the biggest story was one media in the US and elsewhere pretended didn't exist, and the one with the biggest implications for the future of our planet — these Olympics were the very first to be completely carbon-neutral.

Vehicles transporting personnel between cordoned-off areas of the Olympic "bubble" ran on clean fuels, with a majority powered by hydrogen fuel cells. Key buildings from the 2008 Summer Olympics, thanks to continued upkeep and regular use, were brought up to green spec and reworked for this year's events. New construction, of which there was comparatively little, met the highest environmental standards.

These Games pioneered CO2 as a natural alternative to refrigerants with hydrofluorocarbons, a practice which on its own mitigates 26,000 tons of carbon emissions. A new grid operating entirely on wind and solar power was also built for all 25 sporting venues.

Did any of that matter to the naysayers in the corporate press? Absolutely not. If the Games' commitment to the environment was brought up without the US media's typical disdain and condescension — a miracle unto itself — it was little more than a footnote.

Conversely, the moaning started right away. Straight out the gate, they ignored all the city's achievements to tar and feather one of the new sites, the Big Air Shougang ramp for aerial stunts. Some thought it was a nuclear plant (it wasn't — more on that later). Others dismissed the scene as a post-apocalyptic eyesore, using desaturated photos to make the area look like something out of Cormac McCarthy.

What got lost in all the recriminations over the "dystopian" scenery was what the venue really represented. Big Air Shougang was built on a former industrial zone, a Shougang Group steel mill which had its facilities moved out of Beijing's Shijingshan district to cut down on pollution before the 2008 Summer Olympics. The abandoned site was repurposed into a public park and scenic area, with the cooling towers of the mill as its most prominent features.

The view those narrow-minded prigs decried as a hellscape is actually a prime example of urban renewal, a former black spot of industrial pollution transformed into recreational facilities for all and a museum commemorating the site's history. Many of the mill's former workers found new employment at the reclaimed zone, which also incorporated the headquarters for this year's Games.

I myself visited last October when interviewing short track speed skating champion and Beijing 2022 organizer Yang Yang, and was struck by the bold juxtaposition of disused industrial relics with clean green spaces suitable for walking, running or cycling. Since I'd actually been there and seen how impressive it was, the level of vitriol aimed at what would in any other country be deemed an audacious, unique experiment stuck in my craw.

To be fair, some reporting took this into account. But the articles in question made sure to front-load the complaints, using potshots from random miscreants on social media as their source — or more prominent figures piggybacking on the moment to shore up their anti-China bona fides. If there was any explanation of the broader significance of Shougang Big Air, it was saved for the middle or end of the story. Considering how few people read past the first couple of paragraphs of any given article — if they even get past the headline — all most readers would see is unbridled negativity.

On other environmental issues, the media was far less circumspect. Outlets seized on the presence of artificial snow at this year's Winter Olympics, decrying it as dangerous to athlete safety and a pox on the environment. But the 2018 Games in Pyeongchang used an estimated 98 percent artificial snow, and the 2014 Sochi Olympics about 80. There's no percentage for the 2010 Games in Vancouver, but stories at the time indicated it was high. These inconvenient facts were brought up deep in the bodies of the stories about Beijing's snow, if reporters saw fit to mention them at all.

Why? Because that context would diminish the media's scare tactics.

Previous reporting on artificial snow in Pyeongchang — a city, coincidentally, in a country that is a US ally — downplayed environmental concerns and acknowledged many athletes prefer artificial snow surfaces because they are more consistent than natural powder. They had no problem admitting this before, yet you'd be hard-pressed to find this brought up in any of the reporting on Beijing.

As for the sustainability complaints, these were also addressed — though you'd have to search hard to someone brave enough to do it. The snow machines for Beijing's Games ran on renewable energy, and the water they used came primarily from rainfall and surface runoff. Once the Olympics and Paralympics are over, the snowmelt will be kept in reservoir for agriculture and tourism. Rather than being a tremendous resource suck, as was screamed from every headline in the run-up to the Games, the snowmaking process was one big recycling loop that ensured waste was kept to a minimum.

The number of Olympic venues that can rely on a steady flow of natural snow is getting vanishingly small thanks to climate change. It is not a Beijing Winter Olympics problem, or a China problem, it is a global problem — one much of the world is dragging its feet on. That's a real story, one which would use a current event to explore a slow-moving crisis that is already affecting us all. But providing a broader perspective would have required those same disingenuous writers to recognize this year's Games as a historic moment for green sporting events. That simply would not do.

Instead of accepting reality and sharing how Beijing managed to pull off a net-zero Olympics in the middle of a pandemic, the press chose to put an electron microscope over whatever minute issues it could scrounge up — if it wasn't inventing them out of whole cloth.

But this isn't anything new. At this point it's practically paint-by-number. All China can do is continue on its way to a zero-emissions future, and this Olympics was a model for how large-scale events can be hosted with the environment kept firmly in mind.

If commentators want to continue tossing around irate smears, they're welcome to do so. Maybe they can figure out a way to turn all that hot air into clean energy — at least then they'd be serving a useful purpose.



The author is a US writer with China Daily. The opinions expressed here are those of the writer and do not represent the views of China Daily and China Daily website.

 

READ MORE:

http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202202/24/WS6216dc80a310cdd39bc88925.html

 

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While there is no shortage of foreign editors sprinkled throughout the ranks of Chinese publications and media companies, thoughtful and articulate political columnists are a far rarer breed.

Since moving from the US to Beijing two and a half years ago, Ian Goodrum has built an avid following, thanks largely to his insightful columns in China Daily and People’s World covering geopolitical issues and current events.

The well-spoken 30-year-old originally hails from Brazoria, Texas, a county located roughly an hour south of Houston on the Gulf Coast. From a young age, Goodrum was aware of the economic disparities between different communities in his county. In his college years, he majored in English and took to devouring the texts of the great communist thinkers of the 19th and 20th centuries – including revolutionary and founding father of the People’s Republic of China Mao Zedong.

“China was a place that I had always been interested in,” says Goodrum. “In college, I was reading Marx, Lenin, Engels and Mao, and Mao was one of the writers that really struck me the most in terms of what I had experienced and what I knew about the way the world works.”

Upon graduating from college, Goodrum jumped into the world of American media, working as a column and feature writer, as well as an occasional reporter. But in a turn of events that is all too familiar to people working in media, he was laid off just before the 2016 election.

“It’s hard enough finding a job in journalism anyway, but it’s even harder when you are looking at the same time as 300-plus other people with varying levels of experience and backgrounds,” Goodrum tells us. “I was getting some responses, but nothing was super forthcoming, so the thought came to me that I should start looking outside of the country.”

His job search eventually landed him with English-language newspaper and digital media company China Daily in Beijing. While the job offer from China Daily was the chief motivator for the overseas move, Goodrum says that he was interested in coming to China to learn more about the media landscape here versus what he had experienced in the US. He did have some reservations, though.

“When you decide to not abide by a lot of these [anti-China] narratives, you find yourself on the back foot a lot of the time and you are responding and defending rather than being proactive and creating”

As a Leftist, Goodrum admits he was skeptical of modern China’s revolutionary credentials, although he says that these misgivings quickly dissipated after researching into modern China’s policies and governance. They were further dispelled after arriving in the country.

“Getting to go to some of these villages where the poverty alleviation campaigns are in full swing, where there are new houses being built, where people are getting public services – many of them for the first time, these actions are being taken by the government. This solidified my turnaround and solidified my support [for China’s government],” says Goodrum.

The Texan’s day-to-day job sees him working as an editor, although he regularly releases columns tackling diverse topics for an international audience, from the US-China trade war and last year’s NBA scandal to Karl Marx’s legacy and the Two Sessions.

While Goodrum tells That’s that he enjoys total autonomy in choosing his topics, he does note that much of his time has been spent responding to anti-China rhetoric and misinformation in Western media and political circles. This has become a full-time job in recent years, and even more so over the past several months, with American officials regularly referring to COVID-19 as the ‘China Virus’ and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s baseless assertion that the disease originated in a Chinese lab.

“I got here right before the anti-China machine really got kicked into high gear, so most of my work has been responding to what is being said about China in the West. When you decide to not abide by a lot of these [anti-China] narratives, you find yourself on the back foot a lot of the time and you are responding and defending rather than being proactive and creating,” says Goodrum.

His dedication to providing an inside look at Chinese politics for domestic and international audiences has earned him a considerable following. Since arriving in China, his Twitter following has grown from roughly 1,000 followers to more than 25,000. He’s also been featured on prominent podcasts and given lectures on his experiences in China and his thoughts on China’s quickly evolving role on the global stage.

With no plans to leave China in the near future, expect big things from Mr. Goodrum in the years to come.

 

READ MORE:

https://www.thatsmags.com/china/post/31291/meet-the-china-daily-columnist-upholding-the-immortal-science-of-marxism

 

 

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