Sunday 22nd of December 2024

dope, dope, dope.....!!!!!!

It’s weird to me that the bloke who undertook to build a national environmental protection agency for all Australians on the eve of the last federal election just blew it all up. Labor was so close – this close! – to securing a deal with the Greens to establish Environment Protection Australia and a new data body called Environment Information Australia. And then, bam, Anthony Albanese kiboshed the whole deal.

 

BY Jenna Price

 

In the words of one insider, “He wets the bed so easily and regularly. It seems like we were on the brink of securing it all – we had secured it all. And he’s just gone, ‘Nope’.”

Reminds me of another notorious and now former prime minister, Tony Abbott: “Nope, nope, nope.”

Now Anthony Albanese is giving me Christopher Pyne vibes. “I was the negotiator.” I negotiate. At least that’s what he told the ABC’s Sarah Ferguson on Thursday night when he bluntly erased everyone else’s work on getting Labor’s “nature positive” deal done. But it definitely wasn’t Albanese doing the vast bulk of the negotiation. It was his younger, smarter, factional sibling Tanya Plibersek. But PMs will PM. Swoop in for five minutes and then take credit.

 

We may never know if Albanese killed the deal in his brief conversation with West Australian Premier Roger Cook: “I don’t give all the details of my private discussions with premiers.”

Yes, this is our weak-kneed PM. But perhaps he scored two key wins this week. One, he thinks he’s bought time, space and miners in the west. Two, once again, he has undermined Plibersek, his environment minister, a once and (who knows?) future rival.

It’s pretty clear to observers that Albanese feels threatened by her. As he becomes even less likeable, she looks more like everyone’s capable sibling, the one who just gets things done without having a tanty. His behaviour has only served to generate a huge amount of sympathy for her, weirdly, across the board. That’s very unusual. Who on earth is sympathetic to politicians? It took Albanese’s behaviour for us to find out.

Sure, Plibersek didn’t stand up to offer herself as Labor leader when she could have – for good reason. And sure, she claimed she would have won if she had run. But here we are, five years later, and Albanese’s leadership is soggy.

What other reason could there have been, beyond a perceived threat, not to appoint Plibersek to ministries where she had serious experience – education, women – except to ensure she had to contend with the more risky business of the environment? It’s hard to score brownie points in environment in a country where business makes money from digging, chopping, polluting.

And yet people tell me Plibersek studied hard to catch up, that she negotiated hard-to-clinch deals with unlikely targets and all but delivered the prize that was meant to be Labor’s. She spent hundreds of hours stitching together one particular set of victories for the environment. And department staff spent thousands of hours on that task. Consultations with environment groups, with industry, with miners, with property developers. Advocates, lawyers. Long days and nights.

So, many of Albanese’s Labor colleagues were taken aback by his scuttling of the deal.

“I am surprised,” says Felicity Wade, a co-convenor, with hardened ALP right-winger John Della Bosca, of the Labor Environment Action Network (LEAN). “I don’t know what goes on in his head.”

Wade says the prime minister will bring the bills back in February. Maybe he will, but right now, I’m not feeling solidarity vibes.

 

Wade says LEAN consulted 500 Labor branches across the country – and the results are surprising. “Members on the ground do not think being redneck is key to success,” she says, meaning that even in WA they understand the need to defend and protect our beautiful natural attributes. “But we expect that the sensible amendments which had been negotiated with the minister [Plibersek] will stand. These were sensible additions which implement existing Labor policy.”

No one knows exactly the detail, but the Greens demanded an end to native logging. As they should. But Albo made an agreement with the CFMEU about that before all these troubles.

Plibersek tried to make good on a promise that Albanese made when she wasn’t even the shadow minister for the environment. She negotiated with the Greens as if they were completely reasonable (because she was dealing with someone, Sarah Hanson-Young, who is usually completely reasonable). Plibersek built an alliance in a parliament where building alliances is a much-needed skill.

Now, all that labour is wasted, tossed into the incinerator of nature-positive hopes and dreams. And how did Plibersek take the PM’s decision? No tears, no hissy fit, no barking, no bullying.

 

Let’s not imagine an internal spill for Albanese’s position. We are clearly in campaigning mode now, and we all know how the electorate detests it when political parties dump prime ministers midterm. And under Labor’s rules, a PM can be removed only if 75 per cent of MPs agree to force a ballot. But if not for all that, a few slyly raised hands might be raised in contention – because Albanese’s second-term prospects look shaky at best.

Speaking of campaigning, Opposition Leader Peter Dutton keeps calling the PM weak. It must be testing well in the Coalition’s internal polling because Dutton is using it over and over again.

Might caucus panic about the polling? It seems unlikely, but remember Rudd was ahead when he was knifed in 2010. Could Plibersek then be thrust forward as a candidate? Highly doubtful, but that might depend on how freaked out her colleagues are in the lead-up to the election. There’s certainly some unrest in the party, and that is spilling into the preselection for Barton, being vacated by Linda Burney.

Independent senator David Pocock says it’s clear that Plibersek is in a tough position: “She cares about nature and wants to get outcomes but is also deeply loyal to her party.” What about her as a deal-maker? “I appreciated the honest, good-faith negotiations she entered into with me to reach a deal on the nature-positive bills, and I’m sorry they weren’t voted on yesterday.”

 

And Felicity Wade is far from alone in wondering what goes on in the prime minister’s head. A chance to make the environment flourish? Why wouldn’t you take that and make it happen? When Albanese threw out the EPA, he didn’t just throw his minister under a bus. He threw the whole damn country under the same bus.

Jenna Price is a regular columnist for The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age and a visiting fellow at the Australian National University.

 

https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/how-albanese-threw-plibersek-and-the-rest-of-us-under-the-bus-20241128-p5kugn.html

 

YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.

 

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

 

PLEASE DO NOT BLAME RUSSIA IF WW3 STARTS. BLAME YOURSELF.

 

 

frenemies.....

 

Best of frenemies: Tracing the Plibersek-Albanese rivalry

 

BY James Massola

 

Tanya Plibersek is one of the federal Labor Party’s brightest stars. Elected at the age of 28 and already the longest-serving woman in the federal parliament, she marked her 55th birthday on Monday.

With just one more trip around the sun, the senior Labor woman – who had all three of her children while in parliament – will have spent half her life in federal parliament.

Over the past week, Plibersek’s relationship with Anthony Albanese has been back under the spotlight after the prime minister went over the environment minister’s head to scuttle a deal she was poised to strike with the Greens (or had struck, depending on who you talk to) to create an Environmental Protection Agency.

While the federal government managed to strike deals to pass 45 pieces of legislation in the final week of parliament and 31 on the final day alone, the failure to pass the EPA bill – and the manner of its shelving – has left Plibersek looking damaged and Albanese looking spiteful.

 

So why is Plibersek still in parliament, and could she be the second woman to lead Labor, and Australia, one day? In a scorching piece, columnist Jenna Price accused the prime minister of undermining and feeling threatened by his environment minister.

Conversely, Albanese’s supporters point to David Crowe’s front page in the Herald and The Age at the beginning of the final sitting week for the year in which the prime minister’s “no compromises” position on negotiations with the Greens was broadcast loudly and clearly. In addition, they point out that other significant legislation, such as on electoral donations reform and superannuation tax changes, was also parked and that Plibersek somehow missed the prime ministerial memo.

Albanese and Plibersek, publicly and privately, claim to be long-time friends. The reality is more complicated.

Plibersek joined the local branch of the Labor Party when she was 15 and met Albanese, six years her senior, soon after. By 1998, as fellow members of the NSW Hard Left faction, they were moving in the same circles and Albanese played a part in helping secure her preselection for the seat of Sydney, next door to his seat of Grayndler.

The pair rose through Labor’s parliamentary ranks, with Albanese slightly ahead in the pecking order because of seniority. Broadly speaking, they share a similar view of the world, are from the same state and faction, have pursued similar causes over the years, such as marriage equality, and have swapped constituents in redistributions.

It wasn’t until late 2013, during the first (and only) contest for the Labor leadership that gave members a vote, that a decisive break occurred. Albanese easily won the ballot of rank-and-file Labor members and Plibersek voted for him. But her decision to stand for the role of deputy, Albanese supporters argue, created the “permission structure” for other members of the Left to rat on Albanese and vote for Bill Shorten to be leader. Left MPs including Kim Carr, Gavin Marshall, Maria Vamvakinou, Kate Lundy, Lisa Chesters, Warren Snowdon, Brendan O’Connor and Laurie Ferguson all backed Plibersek for deputy and Shorten, the Victorian, scraped home.

For years afterwards, the Liberals’ then-manager of government business Christopher Pyne taunted Albanese as the “people’s choice” while Plibersek’s stature as deputy Labor leader grew. Since Albanese became leader in 2019, he has demonstrated a number of times that he has not forgotten 2013. In the 2022 election campaign, Plibersek was mostly frozen out of a frontline role.

Margaret Simons’ biography of Plibersek included a claim from the frontbencher – churlish given Albanese had just won the election – that “if I had run, I would have won” in a theoretical Labor leadership ballot in 2019. That enraged Albanese and his supporters, who believe she would have had only a handful of caucus votes. And then there was Albanese’s decision, after the 2022 election, to take Plibersek’s portfolios of shadow minister for education and women and hand her the more problematic portfolio of environment.

 

Depending on who you talk to in the caucus, this was either Albanese handing Plibersek a giant shit sandwich – making a leading champion of the Left, in a seat the Greens have long had their eyes on, the minister for approving coal mines – or a giant vote of confidence in Plibersek’s ability to handle a politically fraught portfolio.

This brings us back to Plibersek’s potential as a future leader. Columnist Niki Savva suggested this week that if Labor won either majority or minority government next year, Albanese should step aside so Labor can regenerate.

Albanese does not give the impression he plans to be the country’s longest-serving prime minister. But while John Howard always had Peter Costello and an alternative contender (first Peter Reith and then Tony Abbott) in line to take over from him one day, Albanese has gone a step further.

Labor leadership contenders include Treasurer Jim Chalmers, Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke, Deputy Prime Minister Richard Marles (always quick to change his office letterhead to acting prime minister when Albanese is out of the country) and Plibersek. In other words, it’s far from clear who would replace Albanese – which suits the PM perfectly – and it’s worth remembering that Trade Minister Don Farrell, who has the largest group of MPs aligned to him, will have an outsized say in the result, too.

 

Of the leading quartet of MPs, Plibersek is perhaps the least likely to emerge as the next leader, though it is not impossible. Chalmers’ core factional support base is small, Marles has underwhelmed in his portfolio, and while Burke can count on a decent chunk of votes from the NSW Right, support from his factional rival Chris Bowen is not guaranteed.

The great unknown is what members of the Left would do. Close supporters of Albanese in the faction insist their support would not be automatically transferred to Plibersek on the day Albanese stepped aside, whenever that might be. Other MPs say it is possible the Left could split, with Plibersek’s obvious electoral appeal helping her win a chunk of support in the caucus (and from ALP members, if they get a vote) and, in alliance with one of the other contenders, she could secure the deputy’s job once more, or even the leadership. She has remained close to Chalmers, for example, though both would want to top the ticket.

In the meantime, the environment minister keeps wait, and the prime minister keeps watch.

James Massola is national affairs editor.

 

https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/best-of-frenemies-tracing-the-plibersek-albanese-rivalry-20241204-p5kvxk.html

 

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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.

 

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

 

PLEASE DO NOT BLAME RUSSIA IF WW3 STARTS. BLAME YOURSELF.