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ghastly straddling...The approach is not doctrinal, but is about speaking frankly to both Washington and Beijing. Here is a foreign minister speaking about Australia’s China debate: “We Australians tend to have a habit, a cast of mind, which seeks for simplicity, and is uneasy with complexity, in foreign policy. We tend to see issues in terms of simple dichotomies – black or white, either-or, all or nothing. Australia employs 'straddle' diplomacy with China and the US
“It is apparent in the ways we have traditionally debated foreign policy: imperialism or isolationism; alliance or independence; regionalism or internationalism; forward defence or fortress Australia, as if these were clear, unambiguous and exhaustive choices. “It springs from a compulsion to simplify and exaggerate, to ignore questions of degree and qualifications, to sloganise.” The result? Policy rendered in “schoolboy terms”. That minister was Andrew Peacock, speaking almost 50 years ago. He was referring to reactions to then-prime minister Malcolm Fraser’s trip to Beijing in June 1976, where some believed the leader got too close to the Chinese leadership. Indeed, heads were still being scratched then about how a conservative prime minister could possibly visit China and Japan before Britain and the US. Fraser’s retort to that barb was curt: “The world changes.” In his talks with then-Chinese premier Hua Guofeng, Fraser had proposed the formation of a quadrilateral pact — comprising China, the US, Japan and Australia — to hedge against Soviet ambitions in the Pacific and Indian oceans. It never eventuated. But the point was that an Australian leader had proposed an independent initiative without checking with Washington first. The Sydney Sun newspaper thought Fraser had gone “all the way with Hua” and The Financial Review frowned on the prime minister for calling into question “our dealings with traditional connections in Washington, London and Europe”. Half a century later and precious little has changed in terms of how these visits are discussed. But to fall into the trap Peacock identified in August 1976 is to miss the new Australian diplomacy that is evolving with a re-elected Labor Government. It is not doctrinal, nor is it a sharp discontinuity from Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s first term, but it is about speaking frankly to both the US and China. It might be called the “Australian straddle”: an approach we may see emerge from Japan, too. To Washington, the prime minister has sent a reminder of that tradition in Australian foreign policy where Canberra, knowing that great powers often play fast and loose with this country’s interests, can express its independence both within and without the alliance. So Albanese stands firm on American demands for greater defence spending, just as Trade Minister Don Farrell is emphatic on Australia wanting to do “more, not less” business with China. To Beijing, while going in measured terms beyond the policy of stabilisation into the realm of wholehearted but selective engagement, the prime minister stood firm on foreign investment rules, ownership of Darwin Port and raising the live-firing exercises conducted by the Chinese navy earlier in the year. Albanese was clear: Australia has differences with China, but these should not define the relationship. The prime minister knows that today’s world is not some kind of cartoonish game. He knows that most, if not all, countries in the region are still balancing in some kind of way: wary of China, leery of US President Donald Trump. Though Australian officials would no doubt have briefed their Five Eyes counterparts and Japan prior to the China visit, Canberra does not need to seek permission to run its own foreign policy either, nor apologise for growing its biggest market. But it appears that the alternative being demanded by some critics, such as John Lee, Greg Sheridan and Peter Jennings, is a return to the “drums of war” rhetoric characteristic of the Morrison years. The catastrophising over Albanese’s lack of a meeting with Trump and the fretting over his private lunch with Chinese President Xi Jinping betrays the very mindset Peacock critiqued. The Australian straddle is by nature a delicate balancing act — especially when the Albanese Government is trying to calculate Trump’s next moves — but it is designed to have a more distant, but still close, relationship with the US and a warmer relationship with China. It has been imposed by the Trump administration’s new and callous approach to allies, bringing the realisation that Trump may drag Australia into actions against China that are self-harming in trade, economic and strategic terms. One hopes it continues to be carried out with guile, the ultimate objective being to prevent war in East Asia. War between the US and China is demonstrably being calculated in Washington, and China’s military build-up indicates the risks are being contemplated in Beijing. This straddle will also be expensive. To maintain the US relationship Australia has already posted US$1 billion to Washington and now flourishes a 50-year treaty with the UK to help support the illusion that Australia will acquire nuclear submarines by the early 2030s. It is to be hoped that the treaty has a get-out clause, as the UK and the US have in the existing AUKUS agreement. The Albanese Government will have to handle the inevitable risks of this new diplomacy, including managing tensions that will arise with the US. The prime minister’s increased political confidence has brought him to this course, one that is also dictated by domestic politics. But he has the backing of the Australian people and is under no serious pressure from the opposition, some of whom appear to forget the clear electoral fallout from the “China threat” hot talk of the Morrison years.
Republished from Australian Financial Review, 27 July 2025
https://johnmenadue.com/post/2025/07/australia-employs-straddle-diplomacy-with-china-and-the-us/
YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.
YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.
I'D LIKE TO THANK MY DAD FOR TEACHING ME HOW TO READ BETWEEN THE LINES...THE MINISTERIAL PRESS RELEASE "Statement on Australia-UK Ministerial Consultations (AUKMIN) July 2025" IS ANOTHER "WE'RE SO GOOD AND THE OTHERS SO BAD" DOCUMENT... IT'S BEYOND NAIVE AND IS FRAUDULENT ON MANY POINTS... TAKE NUMBER 18 FOR EXAMPLE... (AS AN ASIDE, THE MINISTERS HAVE BEEN VERY BUSY REHASHING OLD ROTTEN COLONIAL MASH WITH MODERN JARGON...)" ITEM 18 (AND 19) — NO NEED TO READ BETWEEN THE CRAP — THE CRAP IS THERE... Ambitious partners, facing global challenges together 18 . Ministers unequivocally condemned Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and called on Russia to immediately withdraw its troops from Ukraine’s internationally recognised territory, and adhere fully to its obligations under international law, including in relation to the protection of civilians and treatment of prisoners of war. They reiterated their commitment to making sure that Ukraine gets the military and financial support it needs to defend itself in the fight now and agreed to step up action against Russia’s war machine. They emphasised the importance of taking further action against Russia’s shadow fleet, acknowledging the sanctions both countries had imposed in this regard. They also called on Russia to immediately cease their illegal deportation of Ukrainian children and reunify those already displaced with their families and guardians in Ukraine. 19 . Ministers reiterated their deep concerns about the role of third countries in supporting Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine and the associated impact for the security of the Indo-Pacific. They called on China to prevent its companies from supplying dual-use components to Russia’s war effort, and exercise its influence with Russia to stop Moscow’s military aggression and enter negotiations to end the war in good faith. Ministers strongly condemned the DPRK’s support for Russia through the supply of munitions and deployment of DPRK personnel to enable Russia’s war efforts. Ministers called on Iran to cease all support for Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine and halt the transfer of ballistic missiles, UAVs and related technology.
---- THIS IS THE SHIT THAT WE'VE GONE BLUE, RED, ORANGE AND BLACK IN THE FACE TRYING TO EXPOSE THE HYPOCRISY OF THE WEST, WHICH IS CONTINUED WITH AN UNBELIEVABLE APLOMB HERE... DON'T BE FOOLED. THE WEST WANTS TO DESTROY RUSSIA (AND CHINA) AND UKRAINE HAS BEEN THE SET UP FOR THIS UNDERHANDED DESIRE... THE STRADDLING IS A FAKE... IT IS DESIGNED TO APPEAR BALANCED WHILE OBVIOUSLY LEANING TOWARDS THE USA AND CHASTISING CHINA... THE WORDS "GOOD FAITH" ARE SPREAD LIKE RANCID BUTTER ON A BURNT TOAST — WHILE THEY WENT OUT OF THEIR WAY TO AVOID MENTIONING NATO...
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last days?...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uofTg95LFjI
US/UK Meet 'Secretly' w Zelensky's Cabinet to Replace Him.In a new report from the Russian foreign intelligence service (SVR), the U.S. and U.K. met with Ukrainian Presidential Office Head Andriy Yermak, Ukrainian Military Intelligence Directorate Head Kyrylo Budanov, and Ukraine's Ambassador to London Valery Zaluzhny.
According to the SVR report, the two NATO powers are mulling the possibility to replace Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky with Zaluzhny, amid ongoing battlefield setbacks and protests.
J-Speak's Rick Sanchez breaks down the report and what he sees as the potential last days of the Zelensky regime.
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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky
POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.
side by side.....
Fred Zhang
Britain’s back, China’s the target. We’ll likely pay the price againBritain’s HMS Prince of Wales has docked in Darwin, flanked by other warships and declarations.
Its Defence Secretary John Healey promises that if push comes to shove in places like the Taiwan Strait, the UK will fight “side by side” with Australia.
Healey’s tone was so assured, so fluent in the language of confrontation, that it barely left room for another outcome – as if conflict with China were not just likely, but scheduled.
Let’s pause there.
The Taiwan Strait — thousands of kilometres from London, far from any British territory, logistics hub, or voter concern, but conveniently close to many of its former colonies — has somehow made its way onto the UK’s forward defence map.
More troubling still, Britain is making military commitments on Australia’s behalf, in our region, without bothering to ask what Australians actually want.
Not so much a strategic deployment as a floating stage – with choppers, Union Jacks, and lofty words, from a kingdom still pretending it has a front-row seat in the Indo-Pacific.
According to the Lowy Institute’s latest polling, 57% of Australians oppose military action to defend Taiwan, even alongside the US.
Yet here comes Britain — a nation that voluntarily walked away from its own regional partnership in Europe — sailing halfway around the world to drag us deeper into a conflict most of us hope to avoid.
The contradiction is stark. China remains Australia’s largest trading partner, accounting for more than $325 billion in two-way trade. Our universities, miners, farmers and exporters depend on Chinese markets for their livelihoods.
Yet we’re committing $368 billion to AUKUS submarines while hospitals lack funding and housing remains unaffordable for young Australians.
Former prime minister Paul Keating put it bluntly: we’re being asked to become “deputy sheriff” in someone else’s fight. We’ve seen this movie before – in Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan. Each time, Australia paid the price in blood and treasure for conflicts that weren’t ours to fight.
Healey frames this gunboat diplomacy as strength, as deterrence, as “peace through readiness”. But in practice, it looks a lot like 19th-century muscle memory – a projection of imperial identity long divorced from geopolitical relevance.
Because let’s be honest: if Britain were serious about reducing tension in our region, it wouldn’t be sending warships. It would be sending envoys. It would be brokering confidence-building talks with Beijing, hosting ministerial visits, rebuilding diplomatic capital.
Instead, we get press conferences on a floating airstrip, flanked by missile launchers and flag-draped symbolism, all in the name of securing peace. The internal logic is laughable: Britain claims it wants stability in the Indo-Pacific, yet chooses escalation over engagement.
This isn’t about Australia’s defence. It’s about Britain’s post-Brexit identity crisis.
What would an independent Australian foreign policy look like? We have the blueprint already. Australia successfully mediated East Timor’s independence, built the Pacific Islands Forum, and once punched above our weight as a middle power. Former foreign minister Gareth Evans showed the world how creative diplomacy could solve intractable conflicts, from Cambodia to nuclear disarmament.
We could be hosting regular US-China dialogue in Canberra. We could be leading ASEAN-plus summits that actually produce results. We could be the honest broker our geography positions us to be – trusted by Washington, respected in Beijing, and genuinely useful to regional stability.
We used to be like that.
Instead, we’re outsourcing our foreign policy to nations with their own imperial hang-ups and letting them park their warships in our ports while making commitments in our name.
The human cost matters too. Australian families know what happens when we follow others into their conflicts. We’ve left too many of our people in foreign fields, fighting wars that didn’t make Australia safer or more prosperous.
If we’re serious about peace — actual, durable peace — we need to remember that security doesn’t always come from who’s loudest, or who parks the biggest vessel at our ports. Sometimes it comes from knowing when to speak softly, and having enough regional credibility that both sides are willing to listen.
The age of gunboats has passed. The age of grown-up Australian diplomacy — if we can still remember how to conduct it — might just be our best shot at avoiding the conflicts others seem so eager to fight.
It’s time for our government to ask a simple question: are we making policy for Australia’s interests, or are we just providing the venue for other people’s theatre? Because right now, it’s looking uncomfortably like the latter.
Look, we’ve played this role before: quiet, obedient, uniform pressed, sending our sons and daughters to die in other people’s war.
It’s time we rewrote the script and let the empires know that their royal curtain call shouldn’t come at our expense.
Nor on our stage.
https://johnmenadue.com/post/2025/08/britains-back-chinas-the-target-well-likely-pay-the-price-again/
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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky
POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.