Prof. Schlevogt’s Compass No. 28: The Gaza peace plan is a coronation for Trump
Dazzling rhetoric hides partiality as a self-appointed ruler steps into history

The 20-point Gaza peace proposal of 29 September 2025, proclaimed by US President Donald Trump as if unveiling destiny itself, demands scrutiny – not only for its all-or-nothing approach and lack of parity, but also for this pressing question: why rely on a biased broker?

In a thrilling, yet chilling, replay of Napoleon’s self-coronation on 2 December 1804, Trump appointed himself de facto governor of Gaza on 29 September 2025 – a day he hailed as one of the greatest in the history of civilization.

As politicians so often do, Trump insisted he had merely been asked to take the role. Yet even if true, that would hardly justify accepting it. Refusal, in fact, might have been the wiser choice – raising the odds of genuine peace.

Trump intends to head a so-called “Board of Peace,” a term that ominously echoes Orwellian newspeak – language engineered to reshape thought itself.

This kind of rhetoric inverts meaning, as when war is called peace. It slims the vocabulary, reducing words like “terrible” or “awful” to a single term: “ungood.” Authority is dressed in a positive light, as with the Ministry of Love, which oversees torture. And it erases subtle distinctions, collapsing everything worse than bad into “plusungood.”

The “Board of Peace” is a textbook case of newspeak in action: a name that promises harmony while masking control (semantic inversion), simplifies authority into a single, reassuring label (reduction of vocabulary), recasts power as benevolence (positive framing of authority), and wipes out subtle distinctions about its actions or impact (suppression of nuance).

Detractors may argue that in oldspeak – the traditional, straightforward language of the past – the proper term for Trump’s apparatus would be “Colonial Council” or, more scorching, “Protectorate Administration.”

Given that the Gaza role demands impartiality, it is striking that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly hailed Trump as the “greatest friend that Israel has ever had in the White House.”

At the 29 September 2025 press conference, Netanyahu remarked on Trump’s Gaza regime: “The fact that you’re taking this on I think helps a lot to make sure that everything flows in the direction that we want.” Independence? Apparently, no masks are needed anymore.

According to talk show host Tucker Carlson – whom Russian President Vladimir Putin deemed trustworthy enough to grant an interview – Netanyahu publicly boasted that he controls both Trump and the US, a claim the prime minister later denied.

Even if Trump has not been pulled by Netanyahu’s strings like a puppet on a stage, his foreign, economic, and military policies leave little doubt where his allegiance lies – blending theatrical flair with uncompromising support that will mark his presidency indelibly in the annals of US-Israel relations.

During his tenure, Trump recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and affirmed Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights. He withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal, vetoed UN resolutions critical of Israeli policies, and inundated the country with advanced military aid, from F-35s to precision munitions. This flow of weapons, remarkably, continued unabated during Israel’s war on Gaza, which the UN classified as genocide.

In 2025, Trump imposed sanctions on the International Criminal Court after it had issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu over alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity during the Gaza war. Critics may argue that inviting an indicted war criminal to the White House borders on complicity.

Trump also barred the Palestinian delegation from attending the 2025 UN General Assembly in New York – a brazen affront to international norms that, astonishingly, drew only muted condemnation and underscores the urgency of relocating the UN headquarters to a nation that truly respects the rule of law.

Against this backdrop – and given Trump’s mercurial temperament – designating the US president as governor of Gaza invites striking, if unsettling, analogies.

Pundits may say that Trump’s Gaza appointment is like naming a bull keeper of a china shop, putting Henry VIII in charge of marriage counseling, or entrusting Hannibal, Rome’s deadliest enemy, with the eternal city’s defenses.

Staunch Romans would never have approved such a choice, nor would Palestinian nationalists accept Trump as their protective ruler – yet another built-in obstacle threatening to unravel the peace ploy.

A Palestinian negotiator relying on Trump’s assurance that Israel will honor its commitments once his key bargaining chip – the hostages – has been relinquished is like a mouse trusting a cat’s promise that a befriended cat will not eat it. In nature, the mouse will almost certainly be devoured by both; in politics, the likely outcome is no different.

Trump’s Gaza appointment epitomizes a larger problem: the US posing as an honest broker in the Middle East.

Washington is widely seen as a biased mediator in the Israel-Palestine conflict, consistently shielding Israel with massive financial and military aid – granting it unrivaled access to the world’s most advanced military technology – vetoing UN resolutions critical of it, and pressuring Palestinians to compromise, all of which erode its credibility as an honest broker.

This unwavering support has persisted throughout the history of the Jewish state. As of January 2025, US aid to Israel totaled an estimated $298 billion, adjusted for inflation.

Even US presidents who occasionally took a more critical stance towards Israel still greenlit massive aid packages. Take President Barack Obama: Broadly supportive overall, he sometimes took issue with Israel, especially over settlement expansion, and pressed for concessions to advance peace.

During his administration (2009–2017), the US provided the Jewish state with over $26 billion in assistance, covering both military and economic aid. Adjusted for inflation to 2025 dollars, this amounts to roughly $38 billion. In addition, a 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) – the most generous military aid commitment in US history – signed in 2016, pledged $38 billion from 2019 to 2028.

By consistently privileging Israel’s political positions and security, the US is seen less as a neutral mediator and more as a partisan actor in the Middle East conflict.

Palestinians, confronted with a partial mediator offering a peace plan that places them squarely between a hammer and an anvil, would be wise to seek a truly honest broker. To find one, they must look East.

Unlike the US, Russia maintains strong ties not only with Israel but with virtually all key Muslim states, deftly balancing alliances while asserting influence on the ground. Its past engagement in Syria – preserving stability, brokering ceasefires, and protecting strategic interests – demonstrates its capacity for constructive mediation.

By safeguarding its own interests, Russia emerges as a credible arbiter: a superpower invested in regional stability rather than favoritism, and thus a potentially more reliable mediator for Palestine. With deep, far-reaching regional credibility, bolstered by boots on the ground, Moscow is better positioned than the US to act as an honest broker in the Middle East.

In its new role, Russia could help regional stakeholders resolve the root causes of the Israel-Palestine conflict – contentious matters egregiously neglected in the US Gaza peace ploy. The next fateful act is about to unfold.

[Part 2 of a series on the 20-point Gaza peace plan. To be continued. Previous column in the series: Part 1, published on 1 October 2025: Prof. Schlevogt’s Compass No. 27: Unraveling the Gaza peace ploy – Vital questions buried by hype]

https://www.rt.com/news/625825-trump-gaza-coronation-peace/

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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

At the National Press Club this week, Ben Saul argued that Australia is more than a “modest middle power” and must step up on Palestine.

Ben Saul
Ben Saul on Palestinian recognition and the Trump plan

Australia was among the first countries to recognise Israel and is among the last to recognise Palestine, bringing it into the international mainstream. More than three quarters of the world, over 150 countries, now recognise Palestinian statehood, as does the United Nations.

The momentum is driven by horror at Israel’s excessive destruction in Gaza and impunity in Palestine, the failure of 30 years of negotiations for a two-state solution since the Oslo Accords, Israel’s persistent denial of Palestinian self-determination, de facto annexation of Palestinian land in the West Bank by illegal Israeli settlements, and the unapologetic extremism of the Netanyahu Government.

Recognition is a long overdue circuit breaker, when everything else has failed. The Palestinians were promised a state over a century ago. The 1947 United Nations proposal to divide British Palestine into two states was deeply unfair to Palestinians and failed.

Israel unilaterally declared statehood in May 1948, after an insurgency against the British, terrorism against civilians, and even the assassination of UN officials. It effectively established independence after defeating invading Arab armies and took more territory than even the unfair partition plan gifted it. Australia recognised Israel within six months.

The Palestine Liberation Organisation declared Palestine a state in 1988. International law does not prohibit unilateral declarations, as by Kosovo in 2008, which Australia later recognised as a state, but they do not create a state unless certain legal criteria are met.

Eligibility for statehood

Under customary international law reflected in the 1933 Montevideo Convention, statehood is a test of power, not morality. A state exists if it has a defined territory, a permanent population, an effective government and an ability to enter into independent foreign relations. Some critics, such as former prime minister John Howard and former foreign minister Alexander Downer, object that recognising Palestine is “illegal” because it does not meet these requirements.

This objection does not reflect mainstream legal opinion. There is international consensus that Palestine’s territory is presumptively defined by the pre-1967 war borders, encompassing the West Bank, including annexed East Jerusalem, and Gaza. The precise borders remain to be agreed, but this has never been fatal to the existence of states, many of which have disputed borders.

There is a core national population of Palestinians, potentially supplemented by refugees returning from abroad, and excluding almost 700,000 Israelis living in illegal settlements.

There is a clear capacity to enter into foreign relations. Palestine engages diplomatically with three-quarters of the world, is an observer state in the United Nations, makes treaties with other states, and can appear in international tribunals.

There is certainly doubt about the effectiveness and independence of Palestine’s Government, which controls only part of the West Bank and none of Gaza, and remains subject to a near 60-year Israeli military occupation.

Yet, international law does not always rigidly apply the classical criteria for statehood in hard cases but necessarily accommodates the kaleidoscope of real-world circumstances. The Montevideo Convention is a touchstone, not a millstone.

Two other factors are crucial in Palestine. Firstly, Palestinians have an undisputed right to self-determination, which includes the freedom to become a state. Most countries are now persuaded that statehood can exceptionally emerge even without full independence where self-determination has been forcibly denied by occupation for so long, parts of Palestinian territory have been officially or de facto annexed and further annexation is threatened.

Last year, the International Court of Justice demanded Israel end its illegal occupation, which violates Palestinian self-determination, as soon as possible. The General Assembly gave Israel a deadline of last month.

Secondly, recognition by other states can make a difference in unusual cases. Normally, recognition does not create a state but simply endorses that the legal criteria are met. But recognition by three-quarters of the world is powerful evidence that Palestine is considered close enough to meeting the legal criteria to be regarded as a state, even under occupation, and tips the balance in favour of statehood.

Other objections to recognition

A second objection to recognition is that two states should only emerge by negotiation under the Oslo Accords. Yet, last year the International Court of Justice telegraphed that Palestine’s future cannot legally depend on Israel’s largesse. It found the Oslo Accords cannot detract from Israel’s international obligations, including self-determination; that self-determination cannot be subject to conditions imposed by Israel; and that it is for the General Assembly and Security Council to decide how to end the occupation, consistent with the Court’s opinion.

The Court’s impatience with Oslo came after three decades of failed talks. Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu no longer even pretends to be interested in two states. Last month he declared, “We are going to fulfil our promise that there will be no Palestinian state. This place belongs to us." He previously boasted he “put an end to the Oslo Accords”. Recall Israel recently murdered Hamas negotiators in Qatar, hardly inspiring faith in negotiations.

Israel is not a good faith partner for peace, but aims to extinguish the possibility of an independent Palestine. Historically too, as former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan noted, Israel never offered a peace deal that respects Palestinians’ legal rights. Continuing to call for negotiations is either naïve, or calculated to support continued Israeli intransigence, and is doomed to fail.

A third objection is that recognition rewards terrorism. Yet, self-determination is the legal right of the whole Palestinian people, which cannot be denied based on Hamas’ actions.

Non-recognition and denial of statehood rewards Israel’s illegal occupation, denial of self-determination, and international crimes. It also fails to address the root causes of terrorism and thus perpetuates violence. As the UN secretary-general stated, Hamas’ attack “did not happen in a vacuum”. Hamas was born chiefly to resist the occupation and out of the intergenerational suffering, humiliation, lack of opportunity and powerlessness it has inflicted on Palestinians. Many of Hamas’ methods are illegal and unjustifiable. Yet, as the UN Global CounterTerrorism Strategy emphasises, terrorism can only be defeated if the state violations of human rights that fuel grievances are addressed. The former US director of National Intelligence warned that Israel’s response to 7 October will have “a generational impact on terrorism”.

The creation of states is often violent, especially where independence is forcibly suppressed. Israel itself was founded in blood, including the massacre of civilians by Jewish terrorist groups. Australia and the United Nations still recognised it.

A fourth objection is that Israel’s security must first be assured. Again, the International Court rejected this unilateral constraint on Palestinian rights, observing that “Israel’s security concerns [cannot] override the … prohibition of the acquisition of territory by force”. There is no right to perpetually occupy your neighbours, or to preventively disarm them as Israel has done in Syria and Iran, or to deny self-determination, in the hope of absolutely preventing all future threats.

Another final objection is that a plural “one state” solution is preferable, based on equal respect for the rights of Jews and Palestinians. Indeed, this was proposed at the UN in the 1940s and lives on in the slogan “from the river to the sea”. It would depend on the free choice of a double majority of Israelis and Palestinians to each self-determine such a shared future, which seems unlikely in current circumstances.

Significance of statehood

Statehood matters because it confers many rights, including to control and defend national territory, govern and enforce laws, develop natural resources, trade, make treaties and engage in diplomacy and protect its rights and citizens. It includes a right of self-defence and collective self-defence against foreign aggression and occupation. Statehood also imposes duties on Palestine to respect international law, including the sovereignty and security of other countries and human rights.

Australia’s recognition of Palestine enables it to establish diplomatic, trade and other relations for mutual benefit, although nothing flows automatically from recognition. Both sides retain freedom to determine the extent of their interactions.

Of course, being a state and recognition do not guarantee rights in practice. But recognition significantly raises the legal and political price for violating those rights, isolates Israel and the US, and adds momentum towards full independence – evident in the recent US and French/Saudi peace plans.

What statehood does not resolve

Recognition is not merely symbolic, but it cannot stop starvation and other war crimes, end foreign annexation, occupation and illegal settlements, or bring about full independence. Israel’s extreme war of vengeance has proved a grave threat to the very survival of Palestinians, as well as endangering Israeli hostages. Decades of impunity have emboldened Israel to believe there are no constraints and to commit ever more serious atrocities.

US President Trump’s peace plan for Gaza this week has been cautiously endorsed by Israel and many Arab and Western states. Its proposals are welcome for a ceasefire, release of hostages and prisoners, humanitarian aid under UN supervision, no forced displacement, withdrawal of Israeli forces and non-annexation. Despite its political palatability in a world exhausted by the violence, key elements raise red flags under international law. History suggests we should also be sceptical of plans peace without justice, peace at any price, and peace imposed by outsiders without Palestinian consent. In particular:

• The transitional government is not representative, excludes the Palestinian Authority, does not respect self-determination and lacks legitimacy. There are no concrete benchmarks or time frames for representative governance;
• Self-determination and statehood are subject to vague and indeterminate conditions concerning Gaza’s redevelopment, Palestinian Authority reform, and a “dialogue” between Israel and Palestine – thus preserving Israel’s preferred status quo of failed negotiations and indefinite deferral of statehood. Tellingly, Netanyahu said Israel would “forcibly resist” statehood and that it “is not written in the agreement”. Gaza is treated in isolation from the West Bank.
• Oversight by a Trump-chaired “Board of Peace” is not authorised by the United Nations or under transparent multilateral control, the US is a deeply partisan supporter of Israel and not an “honest broker”, and Tony Blair has little international legitimacy after his illegal invasion of Iraq;
• An International Stabilisation Force, also outside UN control, appears to replace Israeli occupation with indeterminate US-led occupation, contrary to self-determination;
• Partial Israel occupation may continue indefinitely through a “security perimeter”; and the demilitarisation of Gaza, if permanent, could leave it vulnerable to Israeli aggression;
• An “economic development plan” and special economic zone could result in foreign exploitation of resources without Palestinian consent;
• Amnesties for Hamas seem unconditional, even if they committed international crimes, denying justice for its Israeli and other victims;
• The plan does not address accountability for Israeli international crimes and human rights violations in Palestine. There is no commitment to transitional justice, historical truth telling and genuine reconciliation, or acknowledgement of the injustice to Palestinians caused by Israel’s foundation;
• The plan does not address fundamental issues such illegal settlements, borders, compensation, and refugees.

In contrast to Trump’s plan, the New York Declaration endorsed by the General Assembly last month provides an alternative pathway to peace that broadly respects international law, including self-determination, unification of Palestinian territories, representative governance, a UN stabilisation mission, and statehood.

To conclude, I welcome’s Australia’s recognition of Palestine, its protests at Israeli violations, and its global efforts to protect humanitarian personnel. But Australia should take more concrete action and play a stronger leadership role on human rights in Palestine, as Chris Sidoti will next explain. International law does not enforce itself. Selectivity and double standards are contributing to the breakdown and discrediting of international law. Australia is the world’s 13th largest economy – more than a modest middle power. If we don’t step up, in a world where democracy and human rights are critically endangered and our closest ally cannot be relied on – who will step up?

Thank you...........

https://johnmenadue.com/post/2025/10/ben-saul-on-palestinian-recognition-and-the-trump-plan/

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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.

Bibi Will Sabotage Trump’s Gaza Plan
Peace for Palestine? Not while Netanyahu’s in charge.

BY Andrew Day

President Donald Trump sounded jubilant on Monday when he announced a plan to end the war in Gaza. “This is a big, big day, a beautiful day, potentially one of the great days ever in civilization,” Trump said before describing the proposal.

The 20-point peace plan calls for the release of hostages and prisoners, the disarmament of Hamas, the uninhibited delivery of aid into the Strip, the withdrawal of Israeli forces out of it, and the establishment of a technocratic and apolitical committee for governing Gaza, among other measures. Trump said the deal would resolve millennia-old problems and bring “eternal peace.”

“And I’m not just talking about Gaza,” the president added. “It’s called peace in the Middle East.”

But there’s a big problem, and he was standing next to Trump as the president spoke. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel was in the White House for the fourth time since Trump’s inauguration in January—no other world leader has come more than twice—and it didn’t take long for him to start throwing up roadblocks to peace. Indeed, Netanyahu had gotten to work undermining the deal before it was even announced. 

During the joint press conference with Netanyahu, Trump said that Arab and Muslim countries helped craft the deal, and he emphasized that only one relevant actor hasn’t yet accepted it: Hamas. But as Barak Ravid of Axios reported Tuesday, “The deal now before Hamas is significantly different than the one the U.S. and a group of Arab and Muslim countries had previously agreed on, due to Netanyahu's intervention.” According to Ravid’s sources, the “significant changes requested” by Netanyahu had infuriated Arab officials involved in the peace process.

The edits pertain to two sensitive matters—the withdrawal of Israeli forces and the disarmament of Hamas—and were negotiated during a six-hour meeting attended by U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, the Israeli Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer, and Netanyahu himself.

The updated proposal “ties Israel’s withdrawal to the progress of disarming Hamas, and gives Israel a veto over the process,” Ravid writes. Moreover, even if the phased withdrawal envisioned by the proposal is completed, “Israeli forces will still remain within a security perimeter inside Gaza ‘until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat.’ That could mean indefinitely.”

Many critics of Israel interpreted comments that Netanyahu published on Monday as evidence that he has no intention of fully withdrawing forces. In a video statement recorded from Washington, the prime minister said, “Now the whole world, including the Arab and Muslim world, is pressuring Hamas to accept the terms that we created together with Trump, to bring back all the hostages—the living and the dead—while the IDF [Israel Defense Forces] stays in the Strip.”

Moreover, Netanyahu poured cold water on the idea of a Palestinian state, though the proposal calls for a “credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.” He assured the person behind the camera that Palestinian statehood is “not written in the agreement” and that the Israeli team had made clear that “we would strongly oppose a Palestinian state.”

Netanyahu has used his leverage to sabotage the U.S.-led peace process many times before, often to the frustration of the White House. As Jonathan Lis of Haaretz, an Israeli newspaper, reports: 

Since the war began, Netanyahu has repeatedly taken steps to disrupt talks and stall progress: Israel introduced “poison pills” – demands that could not be bridged and that blocked negotiations; and negotiation teams were given insufficient authority to compromise, slowing understandings with Hamas.

In addition, under Netanyahu's direction, Israel violated clauses in an agreement already approved by both sides that had enabled a cease-fire earlier this year, leading to its collapse. Netanyahu could take similar steps again now.

Lis’s report does provide one reason to think that Netanyahu could finally be ready for peace. Previously, Netanyahu had seen the continuation of the war as key to his political survival, but the calculus this time is less straightforward. “Israel is entering an election year,” Lis writes. “Running a campaign while hostages remain in captivity is expected to weigh heavily on Netanyahu, as a deal for their release enjoys broad support, including among Likud voters.”

Netanyahu would appear stuck between the majority of Israeli voters and an extremist faction of Jewish supremacists upon which his governing coalition depends. These ultra-nationalist ministers have opposed any peace deal and have proven adept at sabotaging diplomacy, as the Minister of National Security Itamer Ben-Gvir candidly bragged this January. 

“Over the past year, through our political power, we have succeeded in preventing this deal from being implemented, time and again,” Ben-Gvir wrote on X. He called on other extremist ministers to oppose the deal then being considered: “The Prime Minister will refrain from signing the deal only if the force opposing it is strong enough to prevent him from doing so.”

With another deal proposed this week, Ben-Gvir, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, Minister of Settlements Orit Stock, and other Jewish supremacist ministers are again lobbying against peace. And they may have the leverage to get what they want yet again. “If the Israeli government approves the plan, it could lead to the withdrawal of Smotrich’s Religious Zionism Party as well as Ben-Gvir’s Jewish Power Party from the coalition,” Israeli Arab politician Mtanes Shehadeh told TRT World. “This may also trigger early elections, potentially as soon as the beginning of 2026.”

So, will Netanyahu side with the Israeli voters or with the extremist ministers? Trump’s push for peace, Lis writes, may give Netanyahu political cover to end the war and get the hostages released—or it may not. “It now remains to be seen whether the pressure from the White House on Israel's prime minister will outweigh the pressure already being applied by far-right Ministers Ben-Gvir, Bezalel Smotrich, and Orit Strock.”

There’s the rub. Trump reportedly played hardball to get the Israeli premier to endorse the new deal, threatening to end U.S. support for Israel if Netanyahu rejected it. But Netanyahu too has been known to play hardball, and he will find ways to sabotage the peace process unless Trump keeps up the pressure. Trump seems unlikely to do so. Indeed, on Monday Trump gave Netanyahu the greenlight to escalate the Gaza war if a deal falls through—and thus also an incentive to ensure it does:

Israel would have my full backing to finish the job of destroying the threat of Hamas. But I hope we’re going to have a deal for peace. If Hamas rejects the deal, which is always possible—they’re the only one left. Everyone else has accepted it. But I have a feeling that we’re going to have a positive answer. But if not, as you know, Bibi, you’d have our full backing to do what you would have to do.

Many critics of Trump and Netanyahu are allowing themselves some optimism that Hamas will accept the new 20-point peace plan and that the brutal war in Gaza, now about to enter its third year, will soon finally end. This columnist predicts that Netanyahu, ever shrewd, won’t let that happen. For the sake of the beleaguered Gazans, I hope I’m wrong. And Trump, for the sake of his own credibility, his Mideast policy, and his legacy, should hope so too.

https://www.theamericanconservative.com/bibi-will-sabotage-trumps-gaza-plan/

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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.

         Gus Leonisky

         POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.